The Travels of Marco Polo — Volume 1 by Marco Polo and da Pisa Rusticiano
CHAPTER IX.
1317 words | Chapter 337
CONCERNING THE GREAT KAAN’S SONS.
The Emperor hath, by those four wives of his, twenty-two male children;
the eldest of whom was called CHINKIN for the love of the good Chinghis
Kaan, the first Lord of the Tartars. And this Chinkin, as the Eldest
Son of the Kaan, was to have reigned after his father’s death; but, as
it came to pass, he died. He left a son behind him, however, whose name
is TEMUR, and he is to be the Great Kaan and Emperor after the death
of his Grandfather, as is but right; he being the child of the Great
Kaan’s eldest son. And this Temur is an able and brave man, as he hath
already proven on many occasions.{1}
The Great Kaan hath also twenty-five other sons by his concubines; and
these are good and valiant soldiers, and each of them is a great chief.
I tell you moreover that of his children by his four lawful wives there
are seven who are kings of vast realms or provinces, and govern them
well; being all able and gallant men, as might be expected. For the
Great Kaan their sire is, I tell you, the wisest and most accomplished
man, the greatest Captain, the best to govern men and rule an Empire,
as well as the most valiant, that ever has existed among all the Tribes
of Tartars.{2}
NOTE 1.—Kúblái had a son older than CHIMKIN or CHINGKIM, to
whom Hammer’s Genealogical Table gives the name of _Jurji_, and
attributes a son called Ananda. The Chinese authorities of Gaubil
and Pauthier call him _Turchi_ or _Torchi_, _i.e._ _Dorjé_, “Noble
Stone,” the Tibetan name of a sacred Buddhist emblem in the form
of a dumb-bell, representing the _Vajra_ or Thunderbolt. Probably
Dorjé died early, as in the passage we shall quote from Wassáf
also Chingkim is styled the Eldest Son: Marco is probably wrong in
connecting the name of the latter with that of Chinghiz. Schmidt
says that he does not know what _Chingkim_ means.
[Mr. Parker says that Chen kim was the _third_ son of Kúblái
(_China Review_, xxiv. p. 94). Teimur, son of Chen kim, wore the
temple name (_miao-hao_) of _Ch’êng Tsung_ and the title of reign
(_nien-hao_) of _Yuen Chêng_ and _Ta Téh._—H. C.]
Chingkim died in the 12th moon of 1284–1285, aged 43. He had
received a Chinese education, and the Chinese Annals ascribe to him
all the virtues which so often pertain in history to heirs apparent
who have not reigned.
“When Kúblái approached his 70th year,” says Wassáf, “he desired to
raise his eldest son Chimkin to the position of his representative
and declared successor, during his own lifetime; so he took counsel
with the chiefs, in view to giving the Prince a share of his
authority and a place on the Imperial Throne. The chiefs, who are
the Pillars of Majesty and Props of the Empire, represented that
His Majesty’s proposal to invest his Son, during his own lifetime,
with Imperial authority, was not in accordance with the precedents
and Institutes (_Yasa_) of the World-conquering Padshah Chinghiz
Khan; but still they would consent to execute a solemn document,
securing the Kaanship to Chimkin, and pledging themselves to
lifelong obedience and allegiance to him. It was, however, the
Divine Fiat that the intended successor should predecease him who
bestowed the nomination.... The dignitaries of the Empire then
united their voices in favour of TEIMUR, the son of Chimkin.”
Teimur, according to the same authority, was the third son of
Chimkin; but the eldest, Kambala, _squinted_; the second, Tarmah
(properly _Tarmabala_ for _Dharmaphala_, a Buddhist Sanskrit name)
was rickety in constitution; and on the death of the old Kaan
(1294) Teimur was unanimously named to the Throne, after some
opposition from Kambala, which was put down by the decided bearing
of the great soldier Bayan. (_Schmidt_, p. 399; _De Mailla_, IX.
424; _Gaubil_, 203; _Wassáf_, 46.)
[The Rev. W. S. Ament (_Marco Polo in Cambaluc_, p. 106), makes
the following remarks regarding this young prince (Chimkin): “The
historians give good reasons for their regard for Chen Chin.
He had from early years exhibited great promise and had shown
great proficiency in the military art, in government, history,
mathematics, and the Chinese classics. He was well acquainted with
the condition and numbers of the inhabitants of Mongolia and China,
and with the topography and commerce of the Empire (Howorth).
He was much beloved by all, except by some of his father’s own
ministers, whose lives were anything but exemplary. That Kúblái had
full confidence in his son is shown by the fact that he put the
collecting of taxes in his hands. The native historians represent
him as economical in the use of money and wise in the choice of
companions. He carefully watched the officers in his charge, and
would tolerate no extortion of the people. After droughts, famines
or floods, he would enquire into the condition of the people and
liberally supply their needs, thus starting them in life again.
Polo ascribes all these virtues to the Khan himself. Doubtless he
possessed them in greater or less degree, but father and son were
one in all these benevolent enterprises.”—H. C.]
NOTE 2.—The Chinese Annals, according to Pauthier and Gaubil,
give only _ten_ sons to Kúblái, at least by his legitimate wives;
Hammer’s Table gives _twelve_. It is very probable that xxii. was
an early clerical error in the texts of Polo for xii. _Dodeci_
indeed occurs in one MS. (No. 37 of our Appendix F), though not one
of much weight.
Of these legitimate sons Polo mentions, in different parts of his
work, five by name. The following is the list from Hammer and
D’Ohsson, with the Chinese forms from Pauthier in parentheses.
The seven whose names are in capitals had the title of _Wang_ or
“King” of particular territories, as M. Pauthier has shown from the
Chinese Annals, thus confirming Marco’s accuracy on that point.
I. Jurji or Dorjé (Torchi). II. CHIMKIN or CHINGKIM (Yu Tsung,
King of Yen, _i.e._ Old Peking). III. MANGALAI (Mankola, “King of
the Pacified West”), mentioned by Polo (_infra_, ch. xli.) as King
of Kenjanfu or Shensi. IV. NUMUGAN (Numukan, “Pacifying King of
the North”), mentioned by Polo (Bk. IV. ch. ii.) as with King
George joint leader of the Kaan’s army against Kaidu. V. Kuridai
(not in Chinese List). VI. HUKAJI (Hukochi, “King of Yunnan”),
mentioned by Polo (_infra_, ch. xlix.) as King of Carajan. VII.
AGHRUKJI or UKURUJI (Gaoluchi, “King of Siping” or Tibet). VIII.
Abaji (Gaiyachi?). IX. KUKJU or GEUKJU (Khokhochu, “King of Ning”
or Tangut). X. Kutuktemur (Hutulu Temurh). XI. TUKAN (Thohoan,
“King of Chinnan”). His command lay on the Tungking frontier,
where he came to great grief in 1288, in consequence of which he
was disgraced. (See _Cathay_, p. 272.) XII. Temkan (not in Chinese
List). Gaubil’s Chinese List omits _Hutulu Temurh_, and introduces
a prince called _Gantanpouhoa_ as 4th son.
M. Pauthier lays great stress on Polo’s intimate knowledge of
the Imperial affairs (p. 263) because he knew the name of the
Hereditary Prince to be Teimur; this being, he says, the private
name which could not be known until after the owner’s death, except
by those in the most confidential intimacy. The public only then
discovered that, like the Irishman’s dog, his real name was Turk,
though he had always been called Toby! But M. Pauthier’s learning
has misled him. At least the secret must have been very badly kept,
for it was known in Teimur’s lifetime not only to Marco, but to
Rashiduddin in Persia, and to Hayton in Armenia; to say nothing of
the circumstance that the name _Temur Khaghan_ is also used during
that Emperor’s life by Oljaitu Khan of Persia in writing to the
King of France a letter which M. Pauthier himself republished and
commented upon. (See his book, p. 780.)
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