1867. In English we have _The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria_,

translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found in _Bibliotheca Mathematica_ and Sudhoff’s _Archiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik_. [888] παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου. [889] Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix. [890] PW, _Heron_. [891] Baur (1912), p. 417. [892] In the first chapter of the _Automatic Theater_ he says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.” [893] PW, 1045. [894] But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” in _Bibl. Math._ (1907-1908), pp. 113-7. [895] Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works, _Les Origines de l’Alchimie_, 1885; _Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs_, 3 vols., 1887-1888; _Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie_, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann, _Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie_, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” in _The Scientific Monthly_, September, 1920, pp. 193-214. [896] The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A. D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event. [897] Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously. [898] Berthelot (1885), 192-3. [899] But the _Labyrinth of Solomon_, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (_ibid._, p. 54), although he granted (_ibid._, p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.” [900] Berthelot (1885), p. 59. [901] _Ibid._, p. 53. [902] Berthelot (1888), III, 251. [903] Berthelot (1885), p. 56. [904] Berthelot (1888), III, 23. [905] Berthelot (1888), III, 251. [906] Berthelot (1885), p. 164. [907] _Ibid._, pp. 179-80. [908] _Ibid._, p. 60. [909] Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125. [910] Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2. [911] Berthelot (1889), p. vi. [912] _De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum_, a treatise extant only in Latin form. [913] IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ, _Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur_, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff. [914] See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16. [915] See R. Schmertosch, in _Philol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths_, 1897, pp. 28ff. [916] Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger, _Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften_, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of the _Morals_, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism. [917] The English translation of Plutarch’s _Morals_ “by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter of _De defectu oraculorum_, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers. [918] _De defectu oraculorum_, 13. [919] Cap. 12. [920] Cap. 7. [921] Cap. 8. [922] Cap. 9. [923] Cap. 10. [924] _De genio Socratis_, 21-22. [925] _Ibid._, 24. [926] _De defectu oraculorum_, 40. [927] _De genio Socratis_, 12. [928] _Sympos._, VIII. 10. [929] _De defectu oraculorum_, 44. [930] _Ibid._, 48. [931] _Ibid._, 13. [932] _Ibid._, 10. [933] _Ibid._, 13. [934] _De genio Socratis_, 22. [935] Cap. 26. [936] Cap. 29. [937] Cap. 30. [938] Cap. 24. [939] Cap. 22. [940] _De defectu oraculorum_, 10. [941] _Ibid._, 18. [942] _Ibid._, 13-14. [943] _De defectu oraculorum_, 21. [944] _De genio Socratis_, 11. [945] _Ibid._, 20. [946] _Romulus_, cap. 12. [947] Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς. [948] Cap. 2. [949] Cap. 22. [950] Cap. 3. [951] Caps. 5-8. [952] Cap. 9. [953] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 28. [954] VIII, 9. [955] _De defectu oraculorum_, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’s _Republic_ is also evident. [956] _Ibid._, 34. [957] _Ibid._, 37. [958] _Ibid._, 36; and see 11-12. [959] Caps. 8-16. [960] Cap. 17. [961] Cap. 31. [962] Cap. 33. [963] _Symposiacs_, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’s _History of Animals_ comments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.” [964] See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64). [965] _Symposiacs_, V, 10. [966] _De sera numinis vindicta_, 14. [967] _De defectu oraculorum_, 43. [968] X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa. [969] Article on “Asbestos” in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” or _linum asbesti_ (asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216. [970] XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7. [971] “In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45). [972] “On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of the _magi_,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.” [973] Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller in _Geograph. Graeci Minores_, II, 637ff. [974] In Christ’s _Gesch. d. Griech. Litt._, not only is the _On Rivers and Mountains_ itself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent. [975] Cap. 5. [976] Cap. 18. [977] Cap. 21. [978] Cap. 6. [979] Cap. 1. [980] Cap. 7. [981] Caps. 9, 10, 12. [982] Caps. 16, 18, 24. [983] Cap. 17. [984] V, 7. [985] _Bruta animalia ratione uti_, cap. 9; also _Quaest. Nat._, cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.” [986] _De solertia animalium._ [987] _Ibid._, 36-37; also the closing chapters of _The Banquet of the Seven Sages_. [988] Cap. 31. [989] Cap. 25. [990] Cap. 12. [991] Cap. 10. [992] Cap. 29. [993] _Isis and Osiris_, 10. [994] VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν. [995] _Nat. Quaest._, caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36. [996] _Symposiacs_, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5. [997] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 9-10; also the opening chapters of _De defectu oraculorum_. [998] Cap. 7. [999] Cap. 18. [1000] “Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.” [1001] _Florida_, cap. 9. [1002] _Apologia_, cap. 4. [1003] Caps. 73 and 55. [1004] Caps. 55-56. [1005] Cap. 17. [1006] _Apologia_, cap. 70. [1007] Cap. 89. [1008] To Professor Butler (_Apulei Apologia_, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places the _Apology_ earlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that the _Metamorphoses_ is Apuleius’s first work. [1009] The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.” [1010] I, 3. [1011] II, 1. [1012] I, 8. [1013] II, 5. [1014] III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English translations. [1015] III, 16. [1016] I, 8. [1017] I, 9-10. [1018] I, 11-13. [1019] II, 22 and 25. [1020] II, 20 and 30; IX, 29. [1021] I, 11; II, 11. [1022] II, 20, 22; III, 18. [1023] Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.” [1024] VI, 26. [1025] II, 22. [1026] I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29. [1027] II, 28. [1028] II, 6; III, 19. [1029] III, 29. [1030] III, 17. [1031] III, 21. [1032] I, 10; II, 20-21. [1033] III, 16. [1034] II, 23-30. [1035] I, 13. [1036] II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.” [1037] III, 18. [1038] III, 21. [1039] III, 23. [1040] III, 25. [1041] II, 28. [1042] Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta. [1043] I, 11, quo numinis ministerio. [1044] I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens. [1045] III, 19. [1046] II, 12-14. [1047] VIII, 26-27; IX, 8. [1048] I, 4. [1049] X, 11, 25. [1050] VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25. [1051] I, 5. [1052] II, 26. [1053] IX, 33-34. [1054] II, 11-12. [1055] X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.” [1056] VIII, 21. [1057] XI, 1. [1058] Macdonald (1909), p. 128. [1059] VIII, 9. [1060] Cap. 1. [1061] _Florida_, caps. 24-26. [1062] Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge, _Egyptian Magic_ (1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton. [1063] Cap. 31. [1064] Cap. 42. [1065] Cap. 43. [1066] Caps. 1-3. [1067] Cap. 2. [1068] Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé, _Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie_, Paris, 1625. [1069] Cap. 25. [1070] Cap. 47. [1071] Cap. 25. [1072] Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63. [1073] Cap. 28. [1074] Cap. 48. [1075] Cap. 25. [1076] Cap. 26. [1077] Cap. 31. [1078] Cap. 6. [1079] Cap. 13. [1080] Caps. 30, 33. [1081] Cap. 61. [1082] Cap. 53. [1083] Cap. 58. [1084] Cap. 41. [1085] Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant the _Theriaca_ in 958 hexameters and another poem, the _Alexipharmaca_, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of the _Theriaca_ in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (_Byzantine Art and Archaeology_, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.” [1086] Cap. 40. [1087] Caps. 49-51. [1088] Caps. 15-16. [1089] Cap. 40. [1090] Cap. 36. [1091] Cap. 8. [1092] Cap. 85. [1093] Cap. 38. [1094] Cap. 45. [1095] Cap. 51. [1096] Caps. 30, 42. [1097] Cap. 40. [1098] P. 98. [1099] Cap. 35. [1100] So Abt has pointed out: _Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei_, Giessen, 1908, p. 224. [1101] Caps. 42-43. [1102] Cap. 38. [1103] Cap. 90. [1104] Cap. 97. [1105] Cap. 84. [1106] _De mundo_, cap. 1; _De deo Socratis_, cap. 4. [1107] _De mens._, IV., 7, 73; _De ostent._, 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54. [1108] Cap. 43. [1109] Cap. 6. [1110] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 8. [1111] _Hist. Anim._, V, 19. [1112] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 13. [1113] _Ibid._, caps. 9-10. [1114] XVIII, 18. [1115] VIII, 14-22. [1116] Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33. [1117] _Divin. Instit._, V, 3. [1118] Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains the _Histories_ and _Annals_ (XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of the _Metamorphoses_ indicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A. D. and 397 A. D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,” _Le Moyen Age_ (1917), 44-52, holds that the _Metamorphoses_ was not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall, _Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben_, Leipzig, 1907. [1119] CLM 621. [1120] Harleian 3969. [1121] VII, 5. [1122] Ep. 136. [1123] _Divin. Instit._, V, 2-3. [1124] Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20. [1125] See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx, _The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana_, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.” [1126] Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors. [1127] III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16. [1128] See the treatise of Eusebius _Against Apollonius_. Lactantius (_Divin. Inst._, V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ. [1129] So Origen says (_Against Celsus_, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3). [1130] See the _Against Apollonius_, caps. 31, 35. [1131] Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation. [1132] In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow. [1133] I, 32. [1134] I, 29. [1135] I, 26. [1136] I, 40. [1137] V, 12. [1138] VII, 39. [1139] V, 12. [1140] IV, 18. [1141] VIII, 19. [1142] VIII, 30. [1143] VIII, 7. [1144] VII, 20. [1145] VII, 34. [1146] VII, 39. [1147] VI, 11; III, 43. [1148] VI, 41. [1149] I, 2. [1150] V, 12. [1151] VI, 11. [1152] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell, _A Handbook of Indian Art_, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus. [1153] VI, 10. [1154] III, 12. [1155] III, 16. [1156] III, 13. [1157] III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.” [1158] III, 15. [1159] III, 46-47. [1160] III, 17. [1161] III, 27. [1162] III, 38-40. [1163] III, 44. [1164] III, 41. [1165] III, 21. [1166] III, 41. [1167] V, 37. [1168] V, 37. [1169] III, 34. [1170] III, 37. [1171] VI, 38. [1172] III, 34. [1173] V, 17. [1174] I, 22. [1175] NH, VIII, 17; _Hist. Anim._, VI, 31. [1176] VI, 37. [1177] The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson, _Glossary of Greek Birds_, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best, _dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni_. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.” [1178] II, 14. [1179] I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above. [1180] III, 2. [1181] III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius, _Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis_, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C. [1182] II, 11-16. [1183] II, 2; III, 4. [1184] II, 28. [1185] III, 1. Greek fire? [1186] III, 48-9. [1187] III, 6; II, 17. [1188] III, 7. [1189] NH, VIII, 11. [1190] III, 8. [1191] III, 9. [1192] III, 7. [1193] III, 8. [1194] II, 14. [1195] II, 40. [1196] III, 27. [1197] III, 21. [1198] III, 1. [1199] VIII, 7. [1200] III, 30. [1201] III, 42. [1202] VIII, 7. [1203] IV, 44. [1204] VIII, 7. [1205] VIII, 7. [1206] VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.) [1207] III, 42. [1208] VI, 11. [1209] I, 23. [1210] IV, 34. [1211] VIII, 7. [1212] IV, 37. [1213] I, 22. [1214] V, 13. [1215] VIII, 7. [1216] I, 20. [1217] I, 31. [1218] V, 25. [1219] IV, 4. [1220] IV, 24. [1221] IV, 43. [1222] V, 18. [1223] VII, 18. [1224] IV, 10. [1225] VIII, 7. [1226] IV, 44. [1227] II, 4. [1228] VI, 27. [1229] IV, 20. [1230] IV, 25. [1231] I, 4. [1232] I, 19. [1233] Epist. 50. [1234] VII, 32. [1235] VI, 27. [1236] IV, 11, 15-16. [1237] VI, 43. [1238] IV, 45. [1239] IV, 44. [1240] VIII, 8. [1241] VII, 38. [1242] VIII, 30. [1243] The passages are not listed in Liddell and Scott, nor mentioned by Professor Bury in his note on “The ἴυγξ in Greek Magic,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ (1886), pp. 157-60. Hubert’s article on “Magia” in Daremberg-Saglio cites only one passage and seems to regard the _iunx_ solely as a magic wheel. D’Arcy W. Thompson, _A Glossary of Greek Birds_, Oxford, 1895, also cites but one passage from Philostratus. A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, I, 253-65, notes both main passages but tries to interpret the _iunges_ as solar wheels rather than birds. But the _iunx_ is found as a bird on several Greek vases of the latest period; see _British Museum Catalogue of Vases_, vol. IV, figs. 94, 98, 342, 163, 331b; magic wheels are also represented on the vases, but are not described as _iunges_ in the catalogue; see vol. IV, figs. 331a, 373, 385, 399, 409, 436, 450, 458, and vol. III, E 774, F 223, F 279. [1244] VI, 10; see also VIII, 7. [1245] I, 25. [1246] VI, 11. [1247] Cited by Cook, _Zeus_, I, 266, who, however, fails to connect it with the _iunx_. [1248] Newton’s _Dictionary of Birds_; a reference supplied me by the kindness of my colleague, Professor F. H. Herrick. [1249] Professor Bury’s theory that “the bird was called ἴυγξ from its call which sounded like ἰώ ἰώ; and it was used in lunar enchantments because it was supposed to be calling on Io, the moon”: and that “ἴυγξ originally meant a moon-song independently of the wryneck,” which came to be employed in magic moon-worship on account of its cry, has already been refuted by Professor Thompson, who pointed out that “the bird does not cry ἰώ,, ἰώ, and the suggested derivation of its name and sanctity from such a cry cannot hold.” [1250] See Chapter 49 for a fuller account of it. [1251] See Chapter 71. [1252] Math. 54, Liber Appollonii magi vel philosophi qui dicitur Elizinus. [1253] BN 13951, 12th century, Liber Apollonii de principalibus rerum causis. Vienna 3124, 15th century, fols. 57v-58v, “Verba de proprietatibus rerum quomodo virtus unius frangitur per alium. Adamas nec ferro nec igne domatur .../ ... cito medetur.” [1254] Royal 12-C-XVIII, Baleni de imaginibus; Sloane 3826, fols. 100v-101, Beleemus de imaginibus; Sloane 3848, fols. 52-8, Liber Balamini sapientis de sigillis planetarum, fols. 59-62, liber sapientis Baleym de ymaginibus septem planetarum. But these forms might suggest Balaam. We also hear of Flacius Affricus, a disciple of Belenus. [1255] M. Steinschneider, “Apollonius von Thyana (oder Balinas) bei den Arabern,” in _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, XLV (1891), 439-46. [1256] T. Schiche, _De fontibus librorum Ciceronis qui sunt de divinatione_, Jena, 1875; K. Hartfelder, _Die Quellen von Ciceros zwei Büchern de Divinatione_, Freiburg, 1878. [1257] Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, XIV, I. [1258] _Adv. astrol._, in _Opera_, ed. Johannes Albertus Fabricius, Leipzig, 1718. [1259] _De divinatione_, I, 39. [1260] _Ibid._, I, 58. [1261] _Ibid._, II, 11. [1262] _Ibid._, II, 33. [1263] _Ibid._, II, 36. [1264] I, 50. [1265] II, 3-4. [1266] II, 5. “Quae enim praesentiri aut arte aut ratione aut usu aut coniectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda putas sed peritis.” [1267] II, 30. [1268] II, 12. An astrologer, however, would probably say that seeming contradiction could be accounted for by the varying influence of the constellations upon different regions. [1269] II, 12. [1270] II, 19. “Quid igitur minus a physicis dici debet quam quidquam certi significari rebus incertis?” [1271] II, 60-71. [1272] II, 54. [1273] II, 16. [1274] II, 42-47. [1275] NH, VII, 21. [1276] _Republic_, II, 10. [1277] _Ibid._, II, 15. [1278] _Ibid._, II, 18. [1279] _Apologia pro mercede conductis._ Most of Lucian’s Essays have been translated into English by H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, 1905, 4 vols. [1280] _De defectu oraculorum_, 45. [1281] Fowler’s translation. [1282] Fowler omits it. It appears in the Teubner edition, _Luciani Samosatensis opera_, ed. C. Jacobitz, II (1887), 187-95, but both Jacobitz and Dindorf mark it as spurious. Croiset, _Essai sur la vie et les œuvres de Lucien_, Paris, 1882, p. 43, also rejects it. [1283] See the interesting paper of J. D. Rolleston, “Lucian and Medicine,” 1915, 23 pp., reprinted from _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine_, VIII, 49-58, 72-84. [1284] See the close of _Nigrinus_. [1285] _Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt_, XXI, i, 14. [1286] The wording of these excerpts is that of Fowler’s translation. [1287] See Sackur, _Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen_, Halle, 1898; Alexandre, _Oracula Sibyllina_, 2nd ed., Paris, 1869; Charles (1913) II, 368 ff. [1288] Besides the works to be cited later in this chapter, the reader may consult: A. Dieterich, _Abraxas_ (_Studien z. relig. gesch. d. spät. alt._), Leipzig, 1891, especially chapter II (pp. 136ff.), “Jüdisch-orphisch-gnostiche Kulte und die Zauberbücher”; and G. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, 1829, 2 vols. [1289] Steinschneider (1906), 24. He mentions the dissertation of R. Pietschmann, _Hermes Trismegistus_, Leipzig, 1875. [1290] See Galen, citing Pamphilus, Kühn, XI, 798. [1291] XXI, 14, 15. [1292] VI, 4. [1293] I, 1; VIII, 1-4. [1294] VIII, 1. [1295] VIII, 2. [1296] VIII, 4. [1297] I, 1. [1298] R. Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_, Leipzig, 1904, p. 319. This work is the fullest scientific treatment of the subject. [1299] Citations supporting this and the preceding sentences may be found in Kroll’s article on Hermes Trismegistus in Pauly-Wissowa, 809-820. The _Poimandres_ was translated into English by John Everard, D.D., a mystic but also a popular preacher whose outspoken sermons caused his frequent arrest and imprisonment during the reigns of James I and Charles I. James is reported to have said of him, “What is this Dr. Ever-out? His name shall be Dr. Never-out,” (_Dict. Nat. Biog._). Dr. Everard’s translation was printed in 1650 and again in 1657 when the “Asclepius” was added to it. In 1884 it appeared again in the Bath Occult Reprint Series with an introduction by Hargrave Jennings, and the second volume in the same series was Hermes’ _The Virgin of the World_, published at London. Kroll mentions only the more recent translation by Mead, _Thrice Greatest Hermes_. London, 1906. [1300] Consult the bibliography in Kroll’s article in Pauly-Wissowa. [1301] See the various volumes of _Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum_, _passim_. [1302] Unprinted. [1303] An English translation by John Harvey was printed in London, 1657, 12mo. It also exists in manuscript form in the British Museum; Sloane 1734, fols. 283-98, “The learned work of Hermes Trismegistus intituled hys Phisicke Mathematycke or Mathematicall Physickes, direct to Hammon Kinge of Egypte.” [1304] _Orphica_, ed. Abel (1885), p. 141. [1305] It was to a work on this last subject that Pamphilus, cited by Galen, referred in mentioning the herb ἀετοῦ, but this plant is not named in the extant treatise on the decans. Such treatises are more or less addressed to Asclepius: printed in J. B. Pitra, _Analecta Sacra_, V, ii, 279-90; _Cat. cod. astrol. Graec._, IV, 134; VI, 83; VII, 231; VIII, ii, 159; VIII, iii, 151; and by Ruelle, _Rev. Phil._, XXXII, 247. [1306] Berthelot (1885), pp. 133-6, and his article on Hermes Trismegistus in _La Grande Encyclopédie_; also Kroll on Hermes in Pauly-Wissowa, 799. [1307] Berthelot (1885), p. 134. [1308] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 1899, pp. xi, 519-20, 563-4. [1309] NH, II, 21; VII, 50. [1310] Kühn, XII, 207. [1311] They have been collected and edited by E. Riess, _Nechepsonis et Petosiridis fragmenta magica_, in _Philologus_, Supplbd. VI, Göttingen (1891-93), pp. 323-394. See also F. Boll, _Die Erforschung der antiken Astrologie_, in _Neue Jahrb. für das klass. Altert._, XI (1908), p. 106, and his dissertation of the same title published at Bonn,