A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 1 (of 2) by Lynn Thorndike
introduction?
822 words | Chapter 67
[Sidenote: Their relation to Gerbert and the Arabic.]
If we accept this anonymous introduction as the preface to the
twenty-one chapters, Gerbert would be the most likely person to ascribe
both to, unless we argue that he could not make a translation from
the Arabic and that his letter asking to see a translation from the
Arabic by Lupitus is a proof of this. If Gerbert is not the author,
Lupitus would perhaps be the next most likely person, but the hint
contained in Gerbert’s letter is all that points to Lupitus, and indeed
the only mention that we have of him. If the translator is some third
unknown person, at least he is not later than the eleventh century.
If, on the other hand, we regard the introduction of the translator
and the twenty-one chapters as by different persons, who perhaps had
no connection with each other, and Gerbert’s letter of 984 as having
nothing to do with either, we have the more evidence of an early and
widespread interest in astronomy and knowledge of Arabic in the
western Latin learned world.
[Sidenote: Hermann’s _De mensura astrolabii_.]
One reason why the treatise on the astrolabe in twenty-one chapters
is so seldom found in the manuscripts preceded by the introduction of
the translator may be that it is more often found with and preceded
by another treatise on the astrolabe, sometimes entitled _De mensura
astrolabii_, and attributed to a Hermann who modestly calls himself
“the offscouring of Christ’s poor and the butt of mere tyros in
philosophy.”[2799] This treatise tells how to construct an astrolabe,
thus filling in the deficiency left by the incomplete ending of the
treatise in twenty-one chapters, which fails to carry out fully this
last item in the plan of the introductory fragment. A note in one
manuscript, reproduced in part by Macray in his catalogue of the Digby
Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, states that the treatise in
twenty-one chapters is by Gerbert and that when a certain Berengarius
read it, he found it told how to exercise the art but not to make the
instrument and asked Hermann to tell him how to make one. Hermann
therefore composed the work in question, dedicated it to Berengarius,
and prefixed it to Gerbert’s treatise.[2800] Of late there has been
a tendency to identify this Hermann with Hermann of Dalmatia, the
twelfth century translator from the Arabic,[2801] rather than with
Hermann the Lame, the chronicler, who died in 1054, but if Bubnov is
correct in dating two manuscripts[2802] containing Hermann’s treatise
on the astrolabe in the eleventh century, they could not be the work
of Hermann the translator of the next century.[2803] Moreover, in the
thirteenth century the treatise seems to have been regarded as the work
of Hermann the Lame.[2804] The author’s self-depreciatory description
of himself is also a mark of Hermann the Lame, who in another treatise
addressed to his friend Herrandus and discussing the length of a moon
calls himself “of Christ’s poor a vile abortion.”[2805]
[Sidenote: Attitude towards astrology in the preface.]
In the treatise of twenty-one chapters, which simply tells how to use
the astrolabe, there is naturally no reference to judicial astrology.
But in the introduction of the anonymous writer to his translation from
the Arabic of a work on the astrolabe there is mention of the influence
of the stars. Their “concord with all mundane creatures in all things”
is regarded as established by “secret institution of divinity and by
natural law” and testified to by scientists.[2806] Not only is the
effect of the moon on tides adduced as usual as an example, but God is
believed to have set the seal of His approval upon “this discipline,”
when He made miraculous use of the stars and heavens to mark the
birth and passion of His Son. The writer, however, stigmatizes as a
“frivolous superstition” the doctrine of the Chaldean _genethlialogi_,
“who account for the entire life of man by astrological reasons” and
“try to explain conceptions and nativities, character, prosperity and
adversity from the courses of the stars.” Something nevertheless is
to be conceded to them, provided all things are recognized as under
divine disposition. But their doctrine is an egg which is not to be
sucked unless rid of the bad odors of error.[2807] The translator urges
the importance of a knowledge of astronomy in determining the date of
church festivals and canonical hours. He cites Josephus concerning
Abraham’s instruction of the Egyptians in arithmetic and astronomy,
but regards Ptolemy as the most illustrious of all astronomers and the
astrolabe as the invention of his “divine mind.” The translator wishes
his readers to understand that he is offering them nothing new but only
reviving the discoveries of the past, and that he is simply presenting
what he finds in the Arabic.
[Sidenote: Question of Gerbert’s attitude toward astrology.]
If Gerbert could be shown to be the translator who wrote this
Reading Tips
Use arrow keys to navigate
Press 'N' for next chapter
Press 'P' for previous chapter