A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 1 (of 2) by Lynn Thorndike

CHAPTER X

1979 words  |  Chapter 39

THE SPURIOUS MYSTIC WRITINGS OF HERMES, ORPHEUS, AND ZOROASTER Mystic works of revelation—The Hermetic books—_Poimandres_ and the Hermetic _Corpus_—Astrological treatises ascribed to Hermes—Hermetic works of alchemy—Nechepso and Petosiris—Manetho—The _Lithica_ of Orpheus—Argument of the poem—Magic powers of stones—Magic rites to gain powers of divination—Power of gems compared with herbs—Magic herbs and demons in Orphic rites—Books ascribed to Zoroaster—_The Chaldean Oracles_. [Sidenote: Mystic works of revelation.] There were in circulation in the Roman Empire many writings which purported to be of divine origin and authorship, or at least the work of ancient culture-heroes and founders of religions who were of divine descent and divinely inspired. These oracular and mystic compositions usually pretend to great antiquity and often claim as their home such hoary lands as Egypt and Chaldea, although in the Hellenic past Apollo and in the Roman past the Sibylline books[1287] also afford convenient centers about which forgeries cluster. Assuming as these writings do to disclose the secrets of ancient priesthoods and to publish what should not be revealed to the vulgar crowd, they may be confidently expected to embody a great deal of superstition and magic along with their expositions of mystic theologies. Also the authors, editors, or publishers of astrological, alchemistic, and other pseudo-scientific treatises could not be expected to resist the temptation of claiming a venerable and cryptic origin for some of their books. Moreover, such pseudo-literature was not entirely unjustified in its affirmation of high antiquity. Few things in intellectual history antedate magic, and these spurious compositions are not especially distinguished by new ideas, although they to some extent reflect the progress made in learning, occult as well as scientific, in the Hellenistic age. It must be added that much of their contents depends for its effect entirely upon its claim to eminent authorship and great antiquity and upon the impressionability of its public. To-day most of it seems trivial commonplace or marked by the empty vagueness characteristic of oracular utterances. I shall attempt no complete exposition or exhaustive treatment of such writings[1288] but touch upon a few examples which bear upon the relations of science and magic. [Sidenote: The Hermetic books.] Chief among these are the Hermetic books or writings attributed to Hermes the Egyptian or Trismegistus. “Under this name,” wrote Steinschneider in 1906, “there exists in many languages a literature, for the most part superstitious, which seems to have not yet been treated in its totality.”[1289] The Egyptian god Thoth or Tehuti, known in Greek as Θωύθ, Θώθ, and Τάτ, was identified with Hermes, and the epithet “thrice-great” is also derived from the Egyptian _aā aā_, “the great Great.” Citations of works ascribed to this Hermes Trismegistus can be traced back as early as the first century of our era.[1290] He is also mentioned or quoted by various church fathers from Athenagoras to Augustine and often figures in the magical papyri. The historian Ammianus Marcellinus[1291] in the fourth century ranks him with the great sages of the past such as Pythagoras, Socrates, and Apollonius of Tyana. Our two chief descriptions of the Hermetic books from the period of the Roman Empire are found in the _Stromata_[1292] of the Christian Clement of Alexandria (c. 150-c. 220 A. D.) and in the _De mysteriis_[1293] ascribed to the Neo-Platonist Iamblichus (died about 330 A. D.). Clement speaks of forty-two books by Hermes which are regarded as “indispensable.” Of these ten are called “Hieratic” and deal with the laws, the gods, and the training of the priests. Ten others detail the sacrifices, prayers, processions, festivals, and other rites of Egyptian worship. Two contain hymns to the gods and rules for the king. Six are medical, “treating of the structure of the body and of diseases and instruments and medicines and about the eyes and the last about women.” Four are astronomical or astrological, and the remaining ten deal with cosmography and geography or with the equipment of the priests and the paraphernalia of the sacred rites. Clement does not say so, but from his brief summary one can imagine how full these volumes probably were of occult virtues of natural substances, of magical procedure, and of intimate relations and interactions between nature, stars, and spirits. Iamblichus repeats the statement of Seleucus that Hermes wrote twenty thousand volumes and the assertion of Manetho that there were 36,525 books, a number doubtless connected with the supposed length of the year, three hundred and sixty-five and one-quarter days.[1294] Iamblichus adds that Hermes wrote one hundred treatises on the ethereal gods and one thousand concerning the celestial gods.[1295] He is aware, however, that most books attributed to Hermes were not really composed by him, since in other passages he speaks of “the books which are circulated under the name of Hermes,”[1296] and explains that “our ancestors ... inscribed all their own writings with the name of Hermes,”[1297] thus dedicating them to him as the patron deity of language and theology. By the time of Iamblichus these books had been translated from the Egyptian tongue into Greek. [Sidenote: _Poimandres_ and the Hermetic _Corpus_.] There has come down to us under the name of Hermes a collection of seventeen or eighteen fragments which is generally known as the Hermetic _Corpus_. Of the fragments the first and chief is entitled _Poimandres_ (Ποιμάνδρης), a name which is sometimes applied to the entire _Corpus_. Another fragment entitled _Asclepius_, since it is in the form of a dialogue between him and “Mercurius Trismegistus,” exists in a Latin form which has been ascribed probably incorrectly to Apuleius of Madaura as translator (_Asclepius ... Mercurii trismegisti dialogus Lucio Apuleio Madaurensi philosopho Platonico interprete_). None of the Greek manuscripts of the _Corpus_ seems older than the fourteenth century, although Reitzenstein thinks that they may all be derived from the version which Michael Psellus had before him in the eleventh century.[1298] But the concluding prayer of the _Poimandres_ exists in a third century papyrus, and the alchemist Zosimus in the fourth century seems acquainted with the entire collection. The treatises in this _Corpus_ are concerned primarily with religious philosophy or theosophy, with doctrines similar to those of Plato concerning the soul and to the teachings of the Gnostics. The moral and religious instruction is associated, however, with a physics and cosmology very favorable to astrology and magic. Of magic in the narrow sense there is little in the _Corpus_, but a Hermetic fragment preserved by Stobaeus affirms that “philosophy and magic nourish the soul.” Astrology plays a much more prominent part, and the stars are ranked as visible gods, of whom the sun is by far the greatest. All seven planets nevertheless control the changes in the world of nature; there are seven human types corresponding to them; and the twelve signs of the zodiac also govern the human body. Only the chosen few who possess _gnosis_ or are capable of receiving _nous_ can escape the decrees of fate as administered by the stars and ultimately return to the spiritual world, passing through “choruses of demons” and “courses of stars” and reaching the Ogdoad or eighth heaven above and beyond the spheres of the seven planets.[1299] Such Gnostic cosmology and demonology, especially the location of demons amid the planetary spheres, provides favorable ground for the development of astrological necromancy. [Sidenote: Astrological treatises ascribed to Hermes.] Not only is a belief in astrology implied throughout the _Poimandres_, but a number of separate astrological treatises are extant in whole or part under the name of Hermes Trismegistus,[1300] and he is frequently cited as an authority in other Greek astrological manuscripts.[1301] The treatises attributed to him comprise one upon general method,[1302] one on the names and powers of the twelve signs, one on astrological medicine addressed to Ammon the Egyptian,[1303] one on thunder and lightning, and some hexameters on the relation of earthquakes to the signs of the zodiac. This last is also ascribed to Orpheus.[1304] There are various allusions to and versions of tracts concerning the relation of herbs to the planets or signs of the zodiac or thirty-six decans.[1305] These treatises attribute magic virtues to plants, include a prayer to be repeated when plucking each herb, and tell how to use the astrological figures of the decans, engraved on stones, as healing amulets. [Sidenote: Hermetic works of alchemy.] Works under the name of Hermes Trismegistus are cited by Greek alchemists of the closing Roman Empire, such as Zosimus, Stephanus, and Olympiodorus, but those Hermetic treatises of alchemy which are extant are of late date and much altered.[1306] Some treatises are preserved only in Arabic; others are medieval Latin fabrications. The Greek alchemists, however, seem to have recited the mystic hymn of Hermes from the _Poimandres_.[1307] [Sidenote: Nechepso and Petosiris.] Hellenistic and Roman astrology sought to extend its roots far back into Egyptian antiquity by putting forth spurious treatises under the names, not only of Hermes Trismegistus, but also of Nechepso and Petosiris,[1308] who were regarded respectively as an Egyptian king and an Egyptian priest who had lived at least seven centuries before Christ. Indeed, they were held to be the recipients of divine revelation from Hermes and Asclepius. A lengthy astrological treatise, which Pliny[1309] is the first to cite and from a fourteenth book of which Galen[1310] mentions a magic ring of jasper engraved with a dragon and rays, seems to have appeared in their names probably at Alexandria in the Hellenistic period. Only fragments and citations ascribed to Nechepso and Petosiris are now extant.[1311] [Sidenote: Manetho.] Yet another astrological work which claims to be drawn from the secret sacred books and cryptic monuments of ancient Egypt is ascribed to Manetho. It is a compilation in verse of prognostications from the various constellations and is regarded as the work of several writers, of whom the oldest is placed in the reign of Alexander Severus in the third century.[1312] [Sidenote: The _Lithica_ of Orpheus.] Orpheus is another author more cited than preserved by classical antiquity. Pliny called him the first writer on herbs and suspected him of magic. Ernest Riess affirms that Rohde (_Psyche_, p. 398) “has abundantly proved that Orpheus’ followers were among the chief promulgators of purifications and charms against evil spirits.”[1313] Among poems of some length extant under Orpheus’ name the one of most interest to us is the _Lithica_, where in 770 lines the virtues of some thirty gems are set forth with considerable allusion to magic.[1314] The authorship is uncertain, but the verse is supposed to follow the prose treatise by Damigeron who lived in the second century B. C. The date of the poem is now generally fixed in the fourth century of our era, although King[1315] argued for an earlier date. I agree with him that the allusion in lines 71-74 to decapitation on the charge of magic is, taken alone, too vague and blind to be associated with any particular event or time; editors since Tyrwhitt have connected it with the law of Constantius against magic and the persecution of magicians in 371 A. D. But King’s contention that the _Lithica_ is by the same author as the _Argonautica_, also ascribed to Orpheus, and is therefore of early date, falls to the ground since the _Argonautica_, too, is now dated in the fourth century. [Sidenote: Argument of the poem.] The _Lithica_ opens by representing Hermes as bestowing upon mankind the precious lore of the marvelous virtues of gems. In his cave are stored stones which banish ghosts, robbers, and snakes, which bring health, happiness, victory in war and games, honor at courts and success in love, and which insure safety on journeys, the favor of the gods, and enable one to read the hidden thoughts of others and to understand the language of the birds as they predict the future. Few persons, however, avail themselves of this mystic lore, and those who do so are liable to be executed on the charge of magic. After this

Chapters

1. Chapter 1 2. BOOK I. THE ROMAN EMPIRE 3. 2. PLINY’S NATURAL HISTORY 41 4. 4. GALEN 117 5. 5. ANCIENT APPLIED SCIENCE AND MAGIC: VITRUVIUS, 6. 9. LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL ATTACKS UPON SUPERSTITION: 7. 10. SPURIOUS MYSTIC WRITINGS OF HERMES, ORPHEUS, AND 8. 11. NEO-PLATONISM AND ITS RELATIONS TO ASTROLOGY AND 9. BOOK II. EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT 10. 21. CHRISTIANITY AND NATURAL SCIENCE: BASIL, EPIPHANIUS, 11. 23. THE FUSION OF PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN THOUGHT IN 12. 24. THE STORY OF NECTANEBUS, OR THE ALEXANDER LEGEND 13. 27. OTHER EARLY MEDIEVAL LEARNING: BOETHIUS, ISIDORE, 14. 29. LATIN ASTROLOGY AND DIVINATION, ESPECIALLY IN THE 15. 31. ANGLO-SAXON, SALERNITAN AND OTHER LATIN MEDICINE 16. 33. TREATISES ON THE ARTS BEFORE THE INTRODUCTION OF 17. 34. MARBOD 775 18. 35. THE EARLY SCHOLASTICS: PETER ABELARD AND HUGH 19. 38. SOME TWELFTH CENTURY TRANSLATORS, CHIEFLY OF 20. BOOK V. THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 21. 57. EARLY THIRTEENTH CENTURY MEDICINE: GILBERT OF 22. 59. ALBERTUS MAGNUS 517 23. 61. ROGER BACON 616 24. 72. CONCLUSION 969 25. Introduction à l’étude de la chimie des anciens et du moyen âge, 1889. 26. 1911. Popular. 27. INTRODUCTION 28. BOOK I. THE ROMAN EMPIRE 29. Chapter 2. Pliny’s Natural History. 30. BOOK I. THE ROMAN EMPIRE 31. CHAPTER II 32. CHAPTER III 33. CHAPTER IV 34. CHAPTER V 35. CHAPTER VI 36. CHAPTER VII 37. CHAPTER VIII 38. CHAPTER IX 39. CHAPTER X 40. introduction, which may be regarded as a piquant appetizer to whet the 41. CHAPTER XI 42. CHAPTER XII 43. BOOK II. EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT 44. Chapter 13. The Book of Enoch. 45. BOOK II. EARLY CHRISTIAN THOUGHT 46. CHAPTER XIII 47. CHAPTER XIV 48. CHAPTER XV 49. CHAPTER XVI 50. CHAPTER XVII 51. CHAPTER XVIII 52. CHAPTER XIX 53. CHAPTER XX 54. CHAPTER XXI 55. 329. When or where the nine homilies which compose his _Hexaemeron_ 56. CHAPTER XXII 57. CHAPTER XXIII 58. Chapter 24. The Story of Nectanebus. 59. CHAPTER XXIV 60. prologue which is found only in the oldest extant manuscript, a Bamberg 61. CHAPTER XXV 62. CHAPTER XXVI 63. CHAPTER XXVII 64. CHAPTER XXVIII 65. CHAPTER XXIX 66. CHAPTER XXX 67. introduction? 68. introduction, it would be a more valuable bit of evidence as to his 69. CHAPTER XXXI 70. introduction of Arabic medicine to the western world. 71. CHAPTER XXXII 72. introduction of translations from the Arabic is comparatively free from 73. CHAPTER XXXIII 74. CHAPTER XXXIV 75. introduction of Arabic alchemy, 773; 76. 106. M. A. Ruffer, _Palaeopathology of Egypt_, 1921. 77. 8. Daimon and Hero, with Excursus on Ritual Forms preserved in Greek 78. 1921. See also Thompson (1913), p. 14. 79. 99. “Phyteuma quale sit describere supervacuum habeo cum sit usus eius 80. 4838. Arsenal 981, in an Italian hand, is presumably incorrectly dated 81. 1507. See Justin Winsor, _A Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, 1884, 82. 1895. Since then I believe that the only work of Galen to be translated 83. 66. Also II, 216; XIX, 19 and 41. 84. 330. Pliny, too (XXI, 88), states that trefoil is poisonous itself and 85. 1867. In English we have _The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria_, 86. 1890. I have found that Riess, while including some of the passages 87. 53. See below, II, 220-21. 88. 1860. Greek text in PG, vol. XVI, part 3; English translation in AN, 89. 3836. Other MSS are: BN 11624, 11th century; BN 12135, 9th century; BN 90. 1888. Schanz (1905) 138, mentions only continental MSS, although there 91. introduction by A. von Premerstein, C. Wessely, and J. Mantuani 92. 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead

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