introduction of Flemish weavers to England and the forced migration of

the Huguenots from France; the great colonization period after the discovery of America; and modern migration—characterized by its magnitude, by the change of the emigrant’s political allegiance, and by the circumstance that it is a movement of “individuals seeking their own good without state direction or aid.” In a statistical discussion of immigration to the United States (Vol. 18, p. 430) there is much valuable information. “At first the Irish and Germans were most prominent. Of later years, the Italians, Czechs, Hungarians and Russians were numerously represented.” Immigration to other countries, especially Canada and South America; the balance of migration and temporary emigration; and the effects of migration on the country “from which” and the country “to which”—are topics considered in the article, which also discusses the restriction of immigration. As to Asiatic immigration see CALIFORNIA (especially p. 20, Vol. 5), SAN FRANCISCO (p. 148, Vol. 24), and COOLIE (Vol. 7, p. 77). See also the article UNITED STATES, section _Population and Social Conditions_ (p. 634, Vol. 27), and, in separate articles on states and larger cities of the United States, the analysis of foreign-born population, that of foreign parentage, etc. For instance, in the article MASSACHUSETTS (Vol. 17, p. 854), there is a most interesting account of the varying sources of immigration and of the replacing of Irish labour by Canadians and Italians. Boston is the second immigrant port of the country. A large part of the transatlantic immigrants pass speedily to permanent homes in the West, but by far the greater part of the Canadian influx remains there. The article on NEW YORK CITY (p. 617 of Vol. 19) remarks that there are in New York City more Germans than in any city of Germany, save Berlin, and more Irish than in Dublin. There are many well-defined foreign communities in the city, such as “Little Italy” about Mulberry Street, “Chinatown” on Mott, Pell and Doyers Streets, the Hebrew quarter on the upper Bowery and east of it, a “German Colony” east of Second Avenue below Fourteenth Street, French quarters south of Washington Square about Bleecker Street and on the West Side between Twentieth and Thirty-fourth Streets; a Russian quarter near East Broadway, a “Greek Colony” about Sixth Avenue in the 40’s, and negro quarters on Thompson Street and on the West Side in the 50’s, and there are equally well-defined Armenian and Arab quarters. Chicago, as the article on that city shows, is the second largest Bohemian city in the world, the third Swedish, the fourth Norwegian, the fifth Polish and the fifth German. [Sidenote: Negro Problem] The Southern states of the Union, though they have much less immigration than the North or West, have a population problem that is even more difficult in some respects—that of the negro. Many immigrant elements are readily “amalgamated” or assimilated into the native local population—by marriage, by trade, and indeed even by physical environment. It seems certain, for instance, that the physical type of the children of Italian or Hebrew immigrants in New York City is different from that of their parents and more like a local type, even in such respects as the shape and contour of the head and its ratio of length to breadth. But the negro does not assimilate physically or, to any considerable degree, mentally; and the communities in America in which he is most plentiful are so far from eager to assimilate him that they socially and politically isolate him. The reader should go to the article NEGRO (Vol. 19, p. 344), in which there is a general study of the race by T. Athol Joyce, assistant in the Department of Ethnography, British Museum, and a section on _Negroes in the United States_ by Dr. Walter Francis Willcox, late chief statistician U. S. Census Bureau and professor of social science and statistics, Cornell University. The magnitude of the negro problem may be deduced from Professor Willcox’s remark that the present number of negroes in the United States “is greater than the total population of the United States was in 1820, and nearly as great as the population of Norway, Sweden and Denmark.” Birth and mortality statistics in regard to negroes show that they are increasing much less rapidly than whites; but it must be remembered that there is an absolute increase, that there is no prospect of the negro problem being solved by the dying out of the race, and that even the fact that negroes constitute a smaller proportion of the population than formerly does not greatly affect the problem. There is also much relevant information of value in the articles on the Southern states, particularly in the sections on population, education and government; and as to education see the articles TUSKEGEE (Vol. 27, p. 487), BOOKER T. WASHINGTON (Vol. 28, p. 344) and S. C. ARMSTRONG (Vol. 2, p. 591). See also the article LYNCH LAW (Vol. 17, p. 169) by Prof. W. L. Fleming of the Louisiana State University. [Sidenote: Trusts] There is a very close relation between the economic problems connected with labour and those which have to do with capital and especially with capital in its organized and monopolistic forms. A monopoly of the supply, sale, or manufacture of any class of goods was, especially in England under the Tudors and Stuarts, a crown grant; and the theory of patent and copyright law is based on such grants, as is shown in the articles MONOPOLY (Vol. 18, p. 733), LETTERS PATENT (Vol. 16, p. 501), and PATENTS (Vol. 20, p. 903). On the modern monopoly which, far from being cherished by government, is constantly being regulated, checked or “crushed,” see the article TRUSTS (Vol. 22, p. 334) by Prof. J. W. Jenks, formerly of Cornell and now of New York University, whose treatment is from the American point of view—the problem is peculiarly an American one—but with sections on European experience, including paragraphs on Great Britain, Germany, France and Austria. Among the questions answered by this article—questions that are continually presenting themselves to the mind of every intelligent citizen, but that are seldom lucidly answered even by the most intelligent—are: What are trusts? Why are they formed? Why were they not formed before the latter years of the 19th century? Why can combination be successfully applied in some industries and not in others? Why do some industries thrive better under competition than under combination? Why are some combinations bound to fail? In what respect has the trust advantages over the individual competitor? How do trusts benefit by protective tariffs and by discrimination in rates of transportation? What has been the history of trusts in Europe? The question of most interest to the ordinary person is: Do trusts raise prices? To this the Encyclopaedia Britannica answers: “Experience seems to show, beyond question, that whenever the combinations are powerful enough to secure a monopolistic control it has usually been the policy to increase the prices above those which obtained during the period of competition preceding the formation of the combination.” Besides this increased price, the evils of combinations are: loss to investors through promotion and speculation by directors; loss to wage-earners, corruption of legislatures, and the suppression of independent activity. The most obvious remedies are “more rigid laws with reference to the methods of incorporation and to the responsibility of directors to stockholders and to the public,” greater publicity and closer government inspection, and the abolition of special favours granted by government and shipping companies. [Sidenote: Government Control] For American legislation in regard to trusts see the article INTERSTATE COMMERCE (Vol. 14, p. 711), equivalent to 10 pages of this Guide, by Prof. Frank A. Fetter, formerly of Cornell and now of Princeton University. This article shows the constitutional basis for action by the Federal government and the power given to Congress to regulate commerce among the several states; and it describes the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, amended in 1903 by the Elkins Act, and the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890. See also in the article UNITED STATES, the section _History_, §§ 353, 357, 396 (pp. 725, 726, 733 of Vol. 27). But although there have been great changes in the relation of government to the individual in his private and business life, the extent of practical government control is still much less than many theorists would like to see. It is true that in many countries of Europe railways are owned and operated by the state—see p. 826 of Vol. 22, in the article RAILWAYS. See also the article NEW ZEALAND and the summary of conditions there (p. 307, Vol. 25), in part as follows: The government owns not only the railways, but two-thirds of the whole land, letting it on long leases. It sets a limit to large estates. It levies a progressive income-tax and land tax. It has a labour department, strict factory acts and a law of compulsory arbitration in labour disputes (1895). There are old-age pensions (1898), government insurance of life (1871) and against fire (1905). Women have the suffrage, and, partly in consequence, the restriction of the liquor traffic is severe. There is a protective tariff, and Oriental labour is excluded. The success of the experiment is not yet beyond doubt; compulsory arbitration, for example, did not work with perfect smoothness, and was amended in 1908.... It is fair to add that the experiment is probably on too small a scale to show what might happen in larger countries. New Zealand has only 100,000 sq. m. of territory and about one million of inhabitants, mainly rural and of picked quality. The conditions of combined isolation and security are not easily obtained elsewhere. The action of the state has been in the great majority of instances rather regulative than constructive. [Sidenote: Socialism, etc.] But in general governments have extended their control more or less along the conventional lines of law and legislative theory, and have not undertaken ownership and operation—even in New Zealand, as we have just seen, public action being “rather regulative than constructive.” See the general article SOCIALISM (Vol. 25, p. 310) and biographies of those connected with the Socialist movement, such as Marx, Lassalle, Robert Owen, Rodbertus, Bebel, Liebknecht, Jaures, Ballance, William Morris, Edward Bellamy, and Henry George. On communism, see the article on that subject, the biographies of Owen, Saint-Simon, Fourier, Cabet, etc., and descriptions of the more important American communistic experiments in the articles on Brook Farm, Shakers, Amana, Nauvoo, Harmony, Oneida Community, Hopedale, etc. For communism merely as a business scheme see the article CO-OPERATION (Vol. 7, p. 82) and the biographies of Raiffeisen and Schulze-Delitzsch. [Sidenote: Finance] We have now run through the more strikingly novel public questions of the day, and we come next to questions which have been long discussed and longer recognized as being within the sphere of government. The one of these that is most intimately connected with the economic problems we have just been discussing is the subject of public finance and revenue. On this read the articles FINANCE (Vol. 10, p. 374), TAXATION (Vol. 26, p. 458), and NATIONAL DEBT (Vol. 19, p. 266); and, on American public finance, see Vol. 27, p. 654; on Congressional legislation and finance, p. 661 of the same volume; for a general and statistical treatment of American finance, the sections headed _Finance_ in each article dealing with a state of the Union, the articles GOLD (Vol. 12, p. 192), SILVER (Vol. 25, p. 112), and BIMETALLISM (Vol. 3, p. 946), and the biographies of ROBERT MORRIS (Vol. 18, p. 871), ALEXANDER HAMILTON (Vol. 12, p. 880), and JAY COOKE (Vol. 7, p. 73). [Sidenote: Tariff] Of perennial interest in the field of public finance is the question of tariff reform. This is true both in the United States and in the United Kingdom, but strangely enough “tariff reform” is used with absolutely opposite meanings in the two countries. Tariff reform in England is linked with Imperialism and means the introduction of higher tariffs for protection of colonial as well as British industries. In the United States the typical tariff reformer is usually an opponent of Imperialism (which, of course, does not mean the same thing in the two countries), and tariff reform here involves lowering duties, doing away with protection, and, in short, adopting approximately the very system now in vogue in the United Kingdom, and the very system that the followers of Joseph Chamberlain wish to replace with something not entirely unlike the American protective system as it has been since the Civil War. On this subject see the article TARIFF (Vol. 26, p. 422), by the American economist, F. W. Taussig, professor at Harvard, the articles PROTECTION (Vol. 22, p. 464), by E. J. James, president of the University of Illinois, and author of the _History of American Tariff Legislation_, and FREE TRADE (Vol. 11, p. 88), by the Venerable Dr. William Cunningham, Archdeacon of Ely, and author of _The Growth of English Industry and Commerce_; the biographies of ALEXANDER HAMILTON (Vol. 12, p. 880), and HENRY CLAY (Vol. 6, p. 470), for the foundation of American protection; and the articles on H. C. CAREY (Vol. 5, p. 329), FRIEDRICH LIST (Vol. 16, p. 776), and WILLIAM MCKINLEY (Vol. 17, p. 256) for the principal exponents, theoretical and practical, outside of Great Britain, of protection; the lives of RICHARD COBDEN (Vol. 6, p. 607) and JOHN BRIGHT (Vol. 4, p. 567) and the article CORN-LAWS (Vol. 7, p. 174) for the genesis of free trade in Great Britain; and the article on JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN (in particular pp. 816–817 of Vol. 5) for English tariff reform in politics. [Sidenote: Banking Laws] Another topic in public finance of great interest at the present moment is the banking laws,—the interference of government with banking and similar business. Local regulations in regard to banking will be found in sections on legislation and finance in articles on each of the states of the Union. The article OKLAHOMA (Vol. 20, p. 57), for example, contains the following summary of the first radical state enactment—constitutional in this case,—providing bank guarantees: The unique feature of the banking system (with amendments adopted by the second legislature becoming effective on the 11th of June, 1909) is a fund for the guaranty of deposits. The state banking board levies against the capital stock of each state bank and trust company, organized or existing, under the laws of the state to create a fund equal to 5% of average daily deposits other than the deposits of state funds properly secured. One-fifth of this fund is payable the first year and one-twentieth each year thereafter; 1% of the increase in average deposits is collected each year. Emergency assessments, not to exceed 2%, may be made whenever necessary to pay in full the depositors in an insolvent bank; if the guaranty fund is impaired to such a degree that it is not made up by the 2% emergency assessment, the state banking board issues certificates of indebtedness which draw 6% interest and which are paid out of the assessment. Any national bank may secure its depositors in this manner if it so desires. The bank guarantee law was held to be valid by the United States Supreme Court in 1908, after the attorney-general of the United States had decided that it was illegal. More general treatment is to be found in the articles BANKS AND BANKING (Vol. 3, p. 334), SAVINGS BANKS (Vol. 24, p. 243) and TRUST COMPANY (Vol. 27, p. 329); and see further the articles listed in the chapter in this Guide _For Bankers and Financiers_. [Sidenote: Insurance] Another sphere of private finance over which government restriction and regulation has been greatly extended during the last few years, is insurance. The entire subject of insurance is, moreover, of interest not merely to the citizen as a member of the body politic but to the individual as the head of a family and as an investor for his own protection in old age. To every one, therefore, the article INSURANCE (Vol. 14, p. 656) will be of the utmost value, by reason of its rare combination of interest and authority. For a full analysis of this article and of related topics see the chapter in this Guide _For the Insurance Man_. [Sidenote: Legislation and Courts] Much of the earlier part of the present chapter has been devoted to the rapid extension of governmental control, regulation and supervision through legislation. Interesting and novel though this is, it is far less important for an intelligent comprehension of government than is a careful study of the foundations and principles of legislation. Only the specialist will wish to pursue a complete course in political science, but every well-informed citizen of the United States should study the general powers and functions of national and state legislatures and courts. This material is given briefly, lucidly and critically by the Hon. James Bryce, late British Ambassador to the United States, former President of the British Board of Trade, and author of _The American Commonwealth_, in the section _Constitution and Government_, article UNITED STATES (Vol. 27, pp. 646–658). Part of this section deals with the governments of the states, as to which there is also special information in the section on government of the article on each state. Regarding city governments similar sections will be found in the articles on the larger cities. For a full analysis and a list of articles see the chapter _For Lawyers_ in this Guide. Constitutional restrictions of all delegated powers must be continually kept in mind in the study of the action of legislatures and courts, and of the questions that arise in regard to legislation or to court decisions. Although the legislature represents the people more or less directly—the lower house being commonly called the House of Representatives—and so has delegated to it from the people the power of making laws, still, in the Federal and state constitutions (except those of a very recent date) there is a system of checks on every delegated power. The result is that an act passed by Congress does not become law without the approval of the president, nor, in most states, a local statute without that of the governor, and—more important—is not a valid law if the highest Federal Court (or, if it be a state enactment, the highest state court) holds it contrary to the terms of the constitution. [Sidenote: The System of Checks] For a summary of the historical arguments for this system of checks see the section on the Constitution (Vol. 27, p. 686), in the article UNITED STATES and such biographical articles as JAMES MADISON (Vol. 17, p. 284); ALEXANDER HAMILTON (Vol. 12, p. 880), and GOUVERNEUR MORRIS (Vol. 18, p. 869). The working of this system in nation and state has been greatly affected by the distinction between the legislators’ mandate and that of the judge. Legislators have shorter terms of service than judges, and especially judges of the higher courts, and so may be said to be in much closer and more constant contact with the people; and the legislator is bound by what he thinks the people need and want,—something that is continually changing. On the other hand, the judge is bound by the written law, unchanged and unchangeable except by constitutional amendments or slightly varying interpretation of the constitution. The result has been dissatisfaction with the courts and with legislatures. The definite expression of this dissatisfaction is in constitutional amendments or in new constitutions, adopted in order that future action of the courts may more nearly accord with the present sentiment of the people. The story of the constitution of each state in the Union is told, with a summary of important constitutional changes, in the section on government of each article on a separate state. In his analysis of the state constitutions, Mr. Bryce says (Vol. 27, p. 647): [Sidenote: Initiative, Referendum and Recall] Comparing the old constitutions with the new ones, it may be said that the note of those enacted in the first thirty or forty years of the republic was their jealousy of executive power and their careful safeguarding of the rights of the citizen; that of the second period, from 1820 to the Civil War (1861–65), the democratization of the suffrage of institutions generally; that of the third period (since the war to the present day), a disposition to limit the powers and check the action of the legislature, and to commit power to the hands of the whole people voting at the polls. And at the close of his treatment of local government in the United States, the same authority writes (Vol. 27, p. 651): Several state constitutions now contain provisions enabling a prescribed number (or proportion) of the voters in a state or city to submit a proposition to all the registered voters of the state (or city) for their approval. If carried, it takes effect as a law. This is the Initiative. These constitutions also allow a prescribed number of voters to demand that a law passed by the state legislature, or an ordinance passed by the municipal authority, be submitted to all the voters for their approval. If rejected by them, it falls to the ground. This is the Referendum. Some cities also provide in their charters that an official, including the mayor or a member of the council, may be displaced from office if, at a special election held on the demand of a prescribed number of the city voters, he does not receive the largest number of votes cast. This is the Recall. All these three institutions are in operation in some Western states and are spreading to some of the Eastern cities. Their working is observed with lively interest, for they carry the principle of direct popular sovereignty to lengths unprecedented except in Switzerland. But it is not merely to the faith of the Western Americans in the people that their introduction is due. Quite as much must be ascribed to the want of faith in the legislature of states and cities, which are deemed too liable to be influenced by selfish corporations. In connection with the above reference to the referendum and initiative in Switzerland, see the description of the Swiss system of continuous control by the electors (Vol. 26, p. 243). On previous experience, outside the United States, with the referendum and the initiative, see the article REFERENDUM (Vol. 23, p. 1), by the Rev. Dr. W. A. B. Coolidge, an American whose life has been chiefly spent in, and devoted to the study of, Switzerland, where the system was evolved. In the United States the system was first tried in Oregon, and the student should read the description in the article OREGON of the legislative department (Vol. 20, p. 246), which also deals with the recall of officers. See also under OKLAHOMA (Vol. 20, p. 59), and the articles on SOUTH DAKOTA and LOS ANGELES. [Sidenote: Suffrage] On suffrage in the United States see p. 647 of Vol. 27, describing the requirements in different states and pointing out that “by the Federal Constitution state suffrage is also the suffrage for Federal elections, viz. elections of representatives in Congress and of presidential electors.” On representation see the passage on p. 653 of Vol. 27, a portion of which has been quoted above; and on representation in state legislatures see p. 647 of Vol. 27 and consult the articles on the separate states, where in the sections headed _Government_ there is also supplementary information about election and ballot laws. It is interesting to note, in the articles on Mississippi, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Oklahoma, that these states have practically disfranchised the negro. For a concrete instance of the awkward working of the electoral college, in the choice of the president in 1876, see the article ELECTORAL COMMISSION (Vol. 9, p. 172). On the position of aliens see the articles ALLEGIANCE (Vol. 1, p. 689) and NATURALIZATION (Vol. 19, p. 275); and articles on various states. In the article OREGON, for instance (Vol. 20, p. 245), the reader will find that “the constitution provides that no Chinaman, not a resident of the state at the time of the adoption of the constitution, shall ever hold any real estate or mining claim, or work any mining claim in the state.” See also, on the whole subject, the articles BALLOT (Vol. 3, p. 279); VOTE (Vol. 28, p. 216); VOTING MACHINES (Vol. 28, p. 217); ELECTION (Vol. 9, p. 169); REPRESENTATION (Vol. 23, especially pp. 112–116, for proportional voting, second choice voting, etc.), and WOMEN (Vol. 28, p. 782) for the history of the woman’s suffrage movement. In that connection it is curious to note in this article (p. 787) that, owing to an oversight in the wording of the first constitution of New Jersey, women could vote in that state from 1776 to 1807. For any thorough knowledge of practical, as contrasted with theoretical representative government in the United States, the student should read what Mr. Bryce has to say about _Party Government_ (Vol. 27, p. 658–660); a large part of the article on the history of the United States after the adoption of the Constitution (Vol. 27, pp. 688–735); articles on the great parties, FEDERALIST (Vol. 10, p. 235), DEMOCRATIC (Vol. 8, p. 2), and REPUBLICAN (Vol. 23, p. 177); and the lives of the great party leaders from Hamilton and Jefferson to McKinley, Roosevelt, Bryan and Woodrow Wilson. A fuller outline for the study of United States history will be found in another chapter of this Guide, on _History of the United States_. [Sidenote: Municipal Government] But the Federal government and even the state governments do not touch any one of us so closely as does the local government of our city and township; and Mr. Bryce gives (Vol. 27, p. 650) a valuable criticism of the American system of local government,—which, in some cities, indeed, seems a lack of system in the business sense of that word, and a control of the government by political parties prone to corruption, bribery and the granting of special privilege. Mr. Bryce dwells on the over-developed power of the state in legislating for the cities or other minor governmental units, and the consequent activity of local city interests in state and national politics, but he also points to the growing tendency of the states to permit cities to enact their own charters. The movement to take the city government out of politics has reached its greatest force—and its greatest success—in government by commission. In 1902 the city of Galveston, in Texas, adopted a new form of municipal government by vesting all powers in a commission of five persons, elected by the citizens on a “general ticket,” one of whom is mayor and head of the commission, while each of the others has charge of a department of municipal administration. A similar plan, differing in some details, was subsequently introduced in the city of Des Moines, in Iowa; and the success which has attended this new departure in both cities has led to its adoption in many others, especially, but not exclusively, in the Western states. For a fuller account see the articles on GALVESTON and DES MOINES, where, as in other articles on towns and cities, there is a summary of their government and particularly of the distinctive features of local administration. [Sidenote: International Relations] What we have said, up to this point, has all dealt with our country as a self-contained unit—except that we have touched on tariffs and on immigration and on the treatment of aliens. In the article ALIEN (Vol. 1, p. 662) the reader will find the sentence: “In the United States the separate state laws largely determine the status of an alien, but subject to Federal treaties.” And Mr. Bryce (Vol. 27, p. 652) characterizes some of the powers allotted to the national government “which relate to its action in the international sphere.” See particularly Mr. Bryce’s remarks (Vol. 27, p. 656) on the powers of the president: In time of war or of public disturbance, however, the domestic authority of the president expands rapidly. This was markedly the case during the Civil War. As commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and as ‘charged with the faithful execution of all laws,’ he is likely to assume, and would indeed be expected to assume, all the powers which the emergency requires. In ordinary times the president may be almost compared to the managing clerk in a large business establishment, whose chief function is to select his subordinates, the policy of the concern being in the hands of the board of directors. But when foreign affairs reach a critical stage, or when disorders within the Union require Federal intervention, immense responsibility is then thrown on one who is both commander-in-chief of the army and the head of the civil executive. In no European country is there any personage to whom the president can be said to correspond. He may have to exert more authority, even if he enjoys less dignity, than a European king. He has powers which are in ordinary times narrower than those of a European prime minister; but these powers are more secure, for instead of depending on the pleasure of a parliamentary majority, they run on to the end of his term. In this connection you should read the articles INTERNATIONAL LAW and INTERNATIONAL LAW (PRIVATE), TREATIES, PEACE, PEACE CONFERENCES, PAN-AMERICAN CONFERENCES and ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL; the last showing plainly how large a part the United States has played in promoting better international feeling throughout the world. Such articles as these tell how peace has changed from a purely negative condition to a positive subject of international regulation and an object of active political effort. They answer the following concrete questions on the subject: What was the earliest plan of peace known to history? What were the Pax Romana, the “Truce of God,” the “Grand Design” of Henry IV, and other schemes for the preservation of peace? What was the greatest deliberate effort ever made to secure the peace of the world? What has been done by the two Hague Conferences, and when will the next one be held? How far can disarmament be carried out? What standing-peace agreements have been executed? What is the history of popular effort for international peace, and what peace societies exist to-day? What are the present recognized limitations of international arbitration? What are the first steps toward an era of universal peace? What has been accomplished by the Pan-American Conferences? [Sidenote: International Affairs] On international affairs of to-day in which the United States has a special interest there is a wealth of information in the Britannica. The first topic that will naturally present itself to the mind of the reader is the Panama canal. On this see the article PANAMA CANAL (Vol. 20, p. 666), with a large-scale map, a history of the project and a description of the engineering features; and on the politics, national and international, of the question of building the canal, the articles COLOMBIA, PANAMA, ROOSEVELT, UNITED STATES, _History_ (Vol. 27, pp. 730 and 732), JOHN HAY, and PAUNCEFOTE. Our relations with Colombia in connection with the canal will naturally lead the student to a general consideration of the relation of the United States with the Latin-American countries. Here the most interesting factor is the Monroe Doctrine, which has been characterized “as one of the things that every one knows about but that few can explain.” Read the article MONROE DOCTRINE (Vol. 18, p. 738), by Dr. T. S. Woolsey, Professor of international law, Yale University; the article JAMES MONROE (Vol. 18, p. 736), and, in the article UNITED STATES, _History_ § 156 (Vol. 27, p. 695). A second topic in the story of Latin-America and the United States is Cuba; and this part of the story has probably never been told as accurately and interestingly as in the articles CUBA (Vol. 7, p. 594), and HAVANA (Vol. 13, p. 76) in the Britannica, both by Dr. F. S. Philbrick. American relations with the Orient is a third subject of importance in the foreign affairs of the United States; and in this subject the most interesting topic is Chinese and Japanese exclusion. On this see the articles CALIFORNIA, SAN FRANCISCO, COOLIE, and UNITED STATES, _History_ § 339 (Vol. 27, p. 723). At the end of the article JAPAN (Vol. 15, p. 156) there is a section on _The Claims of Japan_, by Baron Dairoku Kikuchi, which is of great interest in this connection. [Sidenote: Sea-Power] The place of the United States as a world power, we are proud to say, depends little on its army or navy—because of its enormous latent strength, its commanding geographical position, etc. But the comparatively greater importance of navy over army is now admitted by nearly every serious thinker—it was the concrete lesson of the Spanish-American War of 1898 as it was the point of the valuable historical essays on sea-power written before and since that war by the American naval officer, Rear-Admiral A. T. Mahan. The American navy and the navies of the world are matters of interest to every one—and like all matters of importance they are to be found treated in the Britannica. In general see the elaborate articles NAVY (Vol. 19, p. 299); SEA-POWER (Vol. 25, p. 548); and SEA, COMMAND OF THE (Vol. 24, p. 529); and for a detailed course of reading on naval history and theory see the chapter in this Guide _For Naval Officers_. [Sidenote: The Greater United States] The topics just discussed will serve as an introduction to the study of the Imperial United States, which may be pursued in the articles ALASKA, HAWAII, PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, PORTO RICO, GUAM and CUBA, and the articles on the towns and cities in the outlying possessions. The result of reading these articles will be a determination to know _more_ about your country, to master its history, its industries and its commerce as well as its political conditions.