CHAPTER XIV.

SIN AND WEAKNESS. [Sidenote: Sin.] =360.= The Stoic view of the universe is coloured by optimism. All comes from God, all works towards good. None the less the Stoic morals are stern. Men in the mass are both foolish and wicked; they defy God’s will and thwart his purpose. The world is full of sin, and all sins (to use the Socratic paradox) are equal. What then is sin? It is a missing of the mark at which virtue aims (ἁμάρτημα); it is a stumbling on the road (_peccatum_); it is a transgressing of the boundary line[1]. It is the child of ignorance, the outward expression of ill health of the soul. Everywhere and in every man it weakens, hampers, and delays the work of virtue. It cannot however finally triumph, for it is at war with itself. The Persians were wrong when they conceived an Evil Power, a concentration of all the powers of mischief in one personality. This cannot be, for sin lacks essential unity. It destroys but does not build; it scatters but it does not sow. It is an earth-born giant, whose unwieldy limbs will in the end be prostrated by a combatant, small to the outward view, but inspired with divine forcefulness. If we understand what sin is, we shall see its repulsiveness; if we learn how it spreads, we shall seek protection against its infecting poison; if we attack it in detail, in individual men and in their daily acts, we shall in the end lay it low. Philosophy then proceeds to arm itself for its task. [Sidenote: The four sinful conditions are errors.] =361.= Sin is ignorance; more accurately, it is that which appears to be knowledge, but is not knowledge; it is false judgment. If we follow the process by which knowledge is attained, we find that there is no error in the mind-picture (_visum_), whether it is sensory or partly sensory and partly rational; this is an adumbration automatically presented to the mind. But ‘assent is in our power’; it is both an intellectual and a moral act. A too hasty assent to that which appears to be but is not is both an error and an offence; and most particularly so when it lies in the application of the general conceptions (προλήψεις) of ‘good’ and ‘evil’ to particular cases[2]. In this way we quickly reach four sinful conditions, which come about by mistaking things indifferent, that is, advantages and disadvantages, for things good or evil. These are: (i) Fear (φόβος, _metus_), in which a future disadvantage is mistaken for a future evil; (ii) Greed (ἐπιθυμία, _libido_), in which a future advantage is mistaken for a future good; (iii) Grief (λύπη, _aegritudo_), in which a present disadvantage is mistaken for a present evil; (iv) Hilarity (ἡδονή, _laetitia_), in which a present advantage is mistaken for a present good[3]. In the case of the last two evils the title presents difficulty in all languages; thus for Grief we might substitute any term such as Discontent, Vexation, Worry or Fretfulness; it is a lack of Courage in bearing pain or disappointment. Again for Hilarity we might substitute Elation, Exaltation, Excitement: it is a lack of Soberness in the moment of pleasure. [Sidenote: They are also maladies.] =362.= From another point of view all sin is due to a lack of moral force, a want of tone in the moral sinews, an unhealthy condition of the soul[4]. Ultimately this point of view agrees with that just described: for it is the lack of health and strength which leads to hasty and ill-judged assent[5]. But for practical purposes we may use this distinction to lead up to a difference of grade. Thus we may associate ignorance with that rooted perversity of mind which is the exact opposite of virtue, and which is therefore in the strictest sense ‘vice’ (κακία, _vitium_)[5]; and want of tone with a passing condition which we cannot deny to be an evil, but may nevertheless describe by the gentler terms ‘perturbation’ and ‘affection[6].’ Such an evil is a disturbance of the soul’s calm, an ‘infection’ of its health. It may exist in three grades to be hereafter described, as a ‘ruffling,’ a ‘disturbance,’ a ‘disease’; and in both the latter forms it must be rooted out, for in both grades it is an evil, and in the last it is a vice which threatens to poison the man’s whole nature. Hence we reach the Stoic paradox that ‘the affections must be extirpated[7].’ But although this is our only ethical standard, we are not debarred from suggesting remedies which may alleviate the malady in particular persons and under special circumstances. [Sidenote: Fear.] =363.= The evil of Fear (φόβος, _formido_, _metus_) is practically opposed to the virtue of Courage. Here philosophy builds upon the foundations of common opinion, and its task is the easier. The youth who is brought up not to regard suffering, poverty, exile, or death as evils, will never be afraid. Since it is death that most alarms mankind by its grim aspect, he who can face this giant without trembling will not know fear, or at the most will only feel a slight ruffling of the soul. In asserting that ‘fear should be rooted out’ the Stoics cross no general sentiment; the tradition of the heroic age is the same. [Sidenote: Greed.] =364.= The treatment of Greed (ἐπιθυμία, _libido_) is similar. This fault is opposed to the Soberness with which men should aim at advantages; and when we have determined the standard of Soberness every transgression of it reveals Greed. But under this heading the Stoics include the vices of Anger[8] and Cruelty, for which the heroic age had no condemnation. In regard to the former they come into conflict with the Peripatetics also, who maintain that Anger serves useful ends, and should be controlled, not extirpated[9]. The consideration of this condition of mind will therefore bring out the divergence between the two schools. [Sidenote: Anger.] =365.= The Peripatetics assign Anger to the passionate part of the soul (τὸ ἐπιθυμητικόν); they admit that it needs to be restrained by reason, but hold that within proper limits it is both natural and necessary. In war it is essential to heroic action; he who is filled with it despises danger, and rushes on to great achievements[10]. It is no less necessary in peace, in order that the wicked may not go unpunished[11]. Aristotle says compendiously that ‘anger is the spur of virtue[12],’ the armour of the man of high soul. To this point of view the Stoics are opposed alike on the ground of principle and of experience. We do not need disease as a means to health[13], or armour which sways instead of being swayed[14]. A good man will face danger unmoved, from the sense of duty; and will face it more firmly and more perseveringly than he whose passions are excited[15]. He will punish wrong-doers either for their amendment or for the protection of others, without being angry with them[16]. Fabius the Delayer conquered his own spirit before he overcame Hannibal[17]; and the very gladiators strike, not when their feelings move them, but when the opportunity has come[18]. [Sidenote: Degrees of anger; remedies for it.] =366.= Anger is technically defined as ‘the greedy desire of avenging an injury,’ or (more precisely) as ‘the greedy desire to punish one whom you deem to have injured you unjustly[19].’ That it is a temporary madness has always been held by the wise[20]; and this is indicated by the appearance of the angry, the threatening look, the heightened colour, the gnashing teeth, the stamp of the foot[21]; also by the fact that children are specially prone to anger, even for frivolous causes[22], and that anger is often directed against harmless persons or objects[23]. Nevertheless anger does not consist of a merely instinctive feeling, but implies the assent of the will[24]; so that we can always trace the three stages, first the appearance of an injury done (_species oblata iniuriae_), secondly the assent (_animus adsentit atque adprobat_), thirdly the outbreak of anger (_sequitur ira_)[25]. To check anger the first necessity is time[26]: reflection will often show us that we have not been injured at all, or not so much as we supposed[27]. Then it is well to put ourselves in the place of the offender, and try to look at the offence from his point of view[28]. Where anger has become a disease (_iracundia_), more violent remedies must be used; some have been cured by looking at themselves in a mirror[29]; others must apply the ‘contrary twist[30],’ and learn when struck to turn quietly away[31]. [Sidenote: Variations of anger.] =367.= Anger is an evil that has many varieties, and the precisians exercise their ingenuity in distinguishing the bitter-humoured (_amarus_), the fiery (_stomachosus_), the fierce (_rabiosus_), the man who is hard to get on with (_difficilis_), and many other shades of character. But one variety deserves special notice, because the evil disposition exists though its expression is checked. The angry man of this type does not allow himself to go beyond complaint and criticism, but he nurses his feeling in the depths of his heart[32]. He would on no account express himself in loud outcries, but his displeasure is easily excited and persistent. This evil we call moroseness; it is a feeling characteristic of a decadent society[33], and (like all other kinds of anger) it calls for unsparing repression. [Sidenote: Cruelty.] =368.= Cruelty, a tendency to excess in punishment[34], is an evil constantly attendant upon the possession of power, and directly opposed to the virtue of clemency. Roman history has exhibited many examples of it, beginning with Sulla who ordered seven thousand Roman citizens to be slain on one day[35], continuing with the many masters who are hated for cruelty to their slaves[36]. It cuts at the root of the ties of humanity and degrades man to the level of the beast[37]; in its extreme form it becomes a madness, when the slaying of a man is in itself a pleasure[38]. As a remedy for cruelty in its milder forms it is well to consider the true objects of punishment; first, to reform the offender; secondly, to make others better by a warning; thirdly, to give a sense of safety to the community by removing offenders[39]. All these objects are better effected if punishment is moderate and rare, and appears to be awarded with reluctance. When cruelty has become a disease it is necessary to remind the tyrant that his manner of life is a pitiable one[40], and that a complete cure can be worked by putting him to death[41]. [Sidenote: Grief.] =369.= In reckoning Grief in its countless varieties as an evil the Stoics did not altogether run counter to public opinion. In the heroic age grief was indeed not forbidden, but it was sharply limited; women might grieve, men should remember. But in prescribing the total extinction of this state of mind the Stoics appeared to pass the bounds of human nature; public feeling revolted against what seemed impossible of attainment. Our position to-day is not greatly altered; but we may notice that whereas in ordinary social life Grief is not only tolerated but approved, yet in battle, earthquake, flood, and pestilence our ideal of the hero is one which almost entirely excludes the indulgence of this emotion. Grief takes many forms, as Fretfulness, Disappointment, Restlessness, Pity, and Mourning; we proceed to examine them in order. [Sidenote: Fretfulness.] =370.= The simplest form of Grief is fretfulness under bodily pain, the effect of depression of the soul and contraction of its sinews[42]. In all ages and under all philosophies the capacity of bearing pain without flinching is the primary test of virtue; and in the Cynic and Stoic schools alike the dogma ‘pain is no evil’ is of critical importance. In this matter correct doctrine needs to be strengthened by life-long discipline; but it is not required by Stoic principles that general principles should be forced upon the acceptance of individual sufferers. Panaetius therefore acted quite correctly when, in writing to Quintus Tubero on the subject of the endurance of pain, he abstained from pressing the usual paradox[43]. But all who see this trial awaiting them will do well to consider how much hardship men willingly endure for evil purposes, such as those of lust, money-making, or glory. Cocks and quails will fight to the death for victory: jugglers will risk their lives swallowing swords, walking on tight ropes, or flying like birds, when in each case a slip means death[44]. If we compose our minds long before to meet suffering, we shall have more courage when the time comes[45]. [Sidenote: Discipline of pain.] =371.= Still more effective is active training[46]. Happy was the Spartan youth who came to Cleanthes to ask him whether pain was not a good; his education had taught him that this was a more practical question than that other, whether pain is an evil[47]. Recruits cry out at the slightest wound, and are more afraid of the surgeon’s touch than of the sword; on the other hand veterans watch the life-blood draining away without a sigh[48]. Some men groan at a box on the ear, whilst others smile under the scourge[49]. Inexperience therefore is the chief cause for weakness under pain; familiarity with it brings strength[50]. [Sidenote: Disappointed ambition.] =372.= The Grief that gives way to pain of mind has very various forms; but that which is due to disappointed ambition is perhaps the most typical. Even men who had overcome the fear of death were known to shudder at the bitterness of soul (_aegritudo animi_) which accompanies defeat in a contested election (_repulsa_) in a republic, or displacement from the favour of the powerful under a monarchy[51]. For this malady the complete remedy is found in the paradox that ‘the wise man is king,’ that virtue can never be unseated from the curule chair[52]; temporary alleviations may be found, even by philosophers, in biting sarcasms aimed at the incapacity of one’s fellow-citizens[53]. It may be in the abstract the duty of a good man to take part in politics; but experience shows that the State has yet to be discovered which can tolerate a sage, or which a sage can tolerate[54]. Hence we find even Stoic teachers relapsing into practical Epicureanism, and bidding their followers to let the community go hang, and to reserve their energies for some nobler occupation[55]. To these lapses from sound principle we need not attach any serious importance; the individual Stoic did not always live up to his creed. [Sidenote: Restlessness.] =373.= Restlessness is grief of mind without known cause; the unquiet soul rushes hither and thither, vainly seeking to be free from its own company[56]. The lesson that Horace had pressed a century earlier, that disquiet can only be cured by quiet, has not been learnt[57]. In Homer Achilles tosses on his bed in fever, lying first on his face, then on his back, never long at rest in any position; and so to-day our wealthy man first travels to luxurious Campania, then to the primitive district of the Bruttii; north and south are tried in turn, and alike disapproved, whilst after all the fault is not in the place, but in the man[58]. In this temper men come to hate leisure and complain that they have nothing to do[59]. This folly reaches an extreme when men trust themselves to the sea, take the chance of death without burial, and place themselves in positions in which human skill may avail nothing[60]. It even leads to great political disasters, as when Xerxes attacks Greece because he is weary of Asia, and Alexander invades India because the known world is too small for him[61]. The times will come, when men will seek novelty by travelling through the air or under the sea; they will force their way through the cold of the poles and the damp heat of the forests of Africa. The remedy lies either in humbler submission to the will of the deity, or in a sense of humour which sees the absurdity of taking so much trouble for so little advantage[62]. [Sidenote: Pity.] =374.= Pity is that weakness of a feeble mind, which causes it to collapse at the sight of another man’s troubles[63], wrongly believing them to be evils. Pity looks at the result, not at the cause, and it is most keenly felt by women of all ages, who are distressed by the tears even of the most abandoned criminals, and would gladly burst open the doors of the gaols to release them[64]. The cause of pity lies in a too rapid assent; we are caught napping by every sight that strikes on our senses. If we see a man weeping, we say ‘he is undone’: if we see a poor man, we say ‘he is wretched; he has nothing to eat[65].’ Now we Stoics have a bad name, as though we recommended to governors a system of harsh punishments[66]; but, on the contrary, none value more highly than we the royal virtue of clemency[67]. Only let it be considered that a wise man must keep a calm and untroubled mind, if only that he may be ready to give prompt help to those who need it; a saving hand to the shipwrecked, shelter to the exile, the dead body of her son to a mother’s tears. The wise man will not pity, but help[68]. [Sidenote: Sensibility.] =375.= Nearly akin to the evil of pity is that sensitiveness to the sufferings of others which leads men, contrary reason, to turn the other way and avoid the sight of them. Of this weakness Epictetus gives us a lively picture: ‘When he was visited by one of the magistrates, Epictetus inquired of him about several particulars, and asked if he had children and a wife. The man replied that he had; and Epictetus inquired further, how he felt under the circumstances. ‘Miserable,’ the man said. Then Epictetus asked ‘In what respect? For men do not marry and beget children in order to be wretched, but rather to be happy.’ ‘But I,’ the man replied, ‘am so wretched about my children that lately, when my little daughter was sick and was supposed to be in danger, I could not endure to stay with her, but I left home till a person sent me news that she had recovered.’ ‘Well then,’ said Epictetus, ‘do you think that you acted right?’ ‘I acted naturally,’ the man replied; ‘this is the case with all or at least most fathers.’ ‘Let us be careful,’ said Epictetus, ‘to learn rightly the criterion of things according to nature. Does affection to those of your family appear to you to be according to nature and to be good?’ Certainly.’ ‘Is then that which is consistent with reason in contradiction with affection?’ ‘I think not.’ ‘Well then, to leave your sick child and to go away is not reasonable, and I suppose that you will not say that it is; but it remains to inquire if it is consistent with affection.’ ‘Yes, let us consider.’ ‘Has the mother no affection for her child?’ ‘Certainly she has.’ ‘Ought then the mother to have left her, or ought she not?’ ‘She ought not.’ ‘And the nurse, does she love her?’ ‘She does.’ ‘Ought then she also to have left her?’ ‘By no means.’ ‘But if this is so, it results that your behaviour was not at all an affectionate act[69].’ Seneca draws for us the same picture of sentimental neglect of duty. ‘Of our luxurious rich,’ he says, ‘no one sits by the side of his dying friend, no one watches the death of his own father, or joins in the last act of respect to the remains of any member of his family[70].’ [Sidenote: Sensitiveness.] =376.= Another form of the evil of Grief is that of undue sensitiveness to criticism and abuse. This mental weakness is illustrated by the case of Fidus Cornelius, who burst into tears because some one in the senate called him a ‘plucked ostrich’; and in an earlier period Chrysippus had been acquainted with a man who lost his temper merely because he was called a ‘sea-calf[71].’ Others are annoyed by seeing their eccentricities imitated, or by reference to their poverty or old age. The remedy for all these things is humour; no one can be laughed at who turns the laugh against himself[72]. Another is to cease thinking about oneself[73]. [Sidenote: Mourning.] =377.= The hardest to bear of all distresses is the loss of friends by death, and most particularly, the loss by parents of their children. To meet this trouble a special class of literature, called _consolationes_, grew up, not confined to any one school of philosophers. The treatise of Crantor the Academic was famous in Cicero’s time[74]; and in the letter of Servius Sulpicius to Cicero upon his daughter’s death we have an admirable example of the ‘consolation’ in private correspondence[75]. Sulpicius bids Cicero think of all the grief and trouble in the world, the loss of political liberty at Rome, the destruction of so many famous cities of antiquity, until he feels that man is born to sorrow, and that his own loss is but a drop in the ocean of the world’s suffering. He also calls on the mourner to think of his own character, and to set an example of firmness to his household[76]. Cicero found his real comfort in none of these things, but in industrious authorship. We have unfortunately no example of a ‘Consolation’ by Musonius. Seneca has left us two treatises in this style, one a formal document addressed to the minister Polybius on the death of his brother, the other a more personal appeal to Marcia, a lady of an ‘old Roman’ family, on the death of a son. Besides the arguments already used by Sulpicius[77], he recommends to Polybius attention to the public service and the reading of Homer and Virgil[78]. Both to him and to Marcia he pictures the happiness of the soul now admitted to the company of the blest[79], or at any rate at peace and freed from all the pains of life[80]. In writing to Marcia he recalls with effect the examples of Octavia the sister, and Livia the wife of Augustus, each of whom lost a promising son in early manhood. Octavia gave herself up to her grief, never allowed her dead son to be mentioned in her presence, and wore mourning to the day of her death, though she was surrounded by her children and grandchildren. Livia, after paying the last tokens of respect, laid aside her grief, recalled with pleasure her son’s achievements, and (advised so to act by her philosopher Areius) devoted herself to her social duties, refusing to make all Rome sad because one mother had lost a son[81]. [Sidenote: Resignation.] =378.= The consolations of Epictetus include less philosophical speculation, and more religious resignation. To begin with, preparation should be made for the loss of children. Parental affection should not pass the bounds of reason; every time that a father embraces his child, he should reflect ‘this child is only lent to me,’ ‘this child is mortal[82].’ If the child dies, his first thought should be ‘he who has given takes away[83].’ To others he will say ‘I have restored the child[84].’ His abiding mood will be that of resignation to the divine will. He will realize that in the course of a long life many and various things must happen; and that it is impossible to live to old age, without seeing the death of many whom we love[85]. [Sidenote: Comfort.] =379.= All ‘consolations’ aim at diminishing the grief of mourners, nature being inclined rather to excess than to defect in this matter. But the Stoics could not altogether avoid the direct issue whether or not grief is a sin, and weeping a weakness. The plain teaching of the school was that ‘death is no evil,’ and therefore that grief for the dead is against reason. And to this view the teachers give from time to time formal adhesion, as being the better cause[86]. But in individual cases they find that to a certain extent there is not only excuse, but justification, for grief and tears; and thus they come into touch with the common feelings of humanity[87], whilst the plea of ‘natural necessity’ serves to ward off the criticism of sterner philosophers[88]. From this concession emerges in the Roman period the definite precept of a time-limit for grief[89]; and its undue continuance is sternly denounced as due to love of ostentation[90], and the morbid enjoyment of sorrow by an ill-balanced mind[91]. Grief in this shape is a dangerous disease; there must be no trifling with it, but it must be totally destroyed[92]. [Sidenote: Misanthropy.] =380.= Lastly, we include under the heading of Grief a weakness which often developes into serious disease; that general discontent, which is voiced in complaints as to the wickedness of the age[93] and the degeneracy of young Rome. Such discontent has always been characteristic of the old[94]; but under the principate it has developed into a special evil, the ‘hatred of the human race’ (_odium generis humani_). Of this fault even philosophers may be suspected; for it must be admitted that men are bad, have been bad, and always will be bad[95]; in short, that the whole human race is made up of madmen[96]. But wise men will bear with this fact quietly and with a smile[97]. It is futile to bring accusations against the whole race[98], and a delusion to think our own times worse than those of our predecessors. The old Romans, to whom we look up as models of virtue, made just the same complaints of their own times; and as a matter of fact the standard of general morality never varies greatly from its average, either in an upward or a downward direction[99]. [Sidenote: Eating.] =381.= The fault of Hilarity (ἄλογος ἔπαρσις, _elatio animi_) is a departure from Soberness and cheerful Joy with regard to the things that appeal to our appetites, and this in the direction of excess. With regard to food, it corresponds to ‘greediness’ in modern speech. The matter is but little discussed, but we have two interesting lectures by Musonius, which are chiefly concerned with this vice, from which we take the following extracts: ‘Greediness’ is an unpleasant fault, making men to resemble pigs and dogs: but on the other hand healthy eating requires much supervision and practice (ἐπιμέλεια καὶ ἄσκησις). Of all pleasures that tempt men, greediness is the hardest to contend against; for it assails us twice every day. To eat too much is wrong; to eat too fast is wrong; so it is also to take too much pleasure in food, to prefer the sweet to the wholesome, or not to give your companions a fair share. Another fault is to let meals interfere with business. In all these points we should look chiefly to health. Now we observe that those who use the simplest foods are generally the strongest; servants are stronger than their masters, countryfolk than townsmen, the poor than the rich. There is therefore good reason to prefer cheap food to that which is costly, and that which is ready to hand to that which is only obtained with great trouble. Further, some foods are more congenial than others to men’s nature; as those which grow from the earth, or can be obtained from animals without killing them. Food that requires no cooking has an advantage, as ripe fruit, some vegetables, milk, cheese, and honey. Flesh food is for many reasons objectionable. It is heavy and impedes thought; the exhalations from it are turbid and overshadow the soul. Men should imitate the gods, who feed on the light exhalations of earth and water. But to-day we have even worse corruptions. Many men are dainty and cannot eat food without vinegar or some other seasoning. Also we call in art and machinery to aid our pleasures, and actually have books written on cookery. All this may serve to titillate the palate, but is mischievous to health[100].’ The sarcasms of Seneca are aimed not so much against excess in quantity or fastidiousness in quality, as against the collection of dainties from all parts of the world[101]. [Sidenote: Drinking.] =382.= As to drinking, the Stoic period marks a great change in feeling. In the times of Zeno, hard drinking had almost the honour of a religious ceremony; and the banquet (συμπόσιον) was the occasion of many a philosophical discussion. Zeno began by laying it down as a principle that ‘the wise man will not be drunken[102],’ and Chrysippus went so far as to name drunkenness as causing the loss of virtue[103]. But the prohibition was carefully guarded. The earlier teachers permitted ‘wininess[104]’; and Seneca justifies this means of banishing care, pointing out many instances of public men of drinking habits who discharged their duties admirably[105]. Yet on the whole he inclines to a stricter view, finding that ‘drunkenness is a voluntary madness,’ and that it removes that sense of shame which most hinders men from wrongdoing[106]. Meanwhile a change in public taste, and perhaps the continual example of Cynic missionaries, had produced a tide of feeling in favour of simple living. The philosophical discussions sketched by Cicero take place at all times of the day, but most usually in the morning hours; they are never associated with riotous banqueting, but if necessary the meal is cut short to make room for the talk. Under the principate the fare is of the simplest; Seneca himself was a vegetarian in his youth[107]; his teacher Attalus was well content with porridge and water, and found an audience ready to approve his taste[108]. [Sidenote: Sexual indulgence.] =383.= A similar but more profound change had taken place at the same time in regard to sexual relations. In the time of Socrates courtesans and boy-favourites played a large part in social life; associated with the banquet, they formed part of the accepted ideal of cultured enjoyment; even moralists approved of them as providing a satisfaction to natural desires and indirectly protecting the sanctity of the home[109]. The same attitude of mind is shown by Seneca under similar circumstances, when he recommends that princes be indulged with mistresses in order to make their character more gentle[110]. But little by little a more severe standard prevailed[111]. From the first the Stoics set themselves against the pursuit of other men’s wives[112]. With regard to other relations, they did not feel called upon to condemn them in other men[113]; they were indeed, in themselves, matters of indifference[114]; but they found it contrary to reason that a man’s thoughts should be occupied with matters so low, or that he should bring himself into subjection to irregular habits and become a slave to a woman[115]. As the courtesan was gradually excluded by this rule[116], the general opinion fell back on the slave as the most accessible and least dangerous object of indulgence[117]. But the philosophers of the principate, following Zeno, who in these matters took the πρέπον (_decorum_) as his rule[118], find it in a high degree unfitting that the master, who should in all things be a model of self-control in his own household, should display so grave a weakness to his slaves. [Sidenote: Chastity.] =384.= Thus little by little there emerged the ideal of a strict chastity, to the principle of which not even the marriage relation should form an exception[119]. Every falling off from this ideal is sin or transgression[120]; and it is especially true in this matter that each act of weakness leaves its trace on the character, and that he who yields becomes a feebler man[121]. The Socratic paradox, that the wise man will be a lover[122], is consistently maintained by the Stoics; but the practical limitations of this doctrine are well illustrated by the following striking passage from the lectures of the Stoic Musonius:— ‘Men who do not wish to be licentious and bad should consider that sexual relations are only lawful in marriage, and for the begetting of children; such as aim at mere pleasure are lawless, even in marriage. Even apart from adultery and unnatural relations, all sexual connexions are disgraceful; for what sober-minded man would think of consorting with a courtesan, or with a free woman outside marriage? and least of all would he do so with his own slave. The lawlessness and foulness of such connexions is a disgrace to all who form them; as we may see that any man who is capable of a blush does his utmost to conceal them. Yet one argues: “in this case a man does no injustice; he does not wrong his neighbour or deprive him of the hope of lawful issue.” I might reply that every one who sins injures himself, for he makes himself a worse and less honourable man. But at any rate he who gives way to foul pleasure and enjoys himself like a hog is an intemperate man; and not least he who consorts with his own slave-girl, a thing for which some people find excuse. To all this there is a simple answer; how would such a man approve of a mistress consorting with her own man-servant? Yet I presume he does not think men inferior to women, or less able to restrain their desires. If then men claim the supremacy over women, they must show themselves superior in self-control. To conclude; sexual connexion between a master and his female slave is nothing but licentiousness[123].’ [Sidenote: ‘Bear and forbear.’] =385.= Thus our detailed study of the four perturbations has led us to lay little stress on Fear and Greed, the weaknesses of the heroic period when men’s minds were actively turned to the future, and to concentrate our attention on Grief and Hilarity, the two moods in which life’s troubles and temptations are wrongly met with as they arrive. As we follow the history of Stoic philosophy through the times of the Roman principate, we find that this tendency to lay stress on the training of the passive character increases: till Epictetus tells us that of all the vices far the worst are ‘lack of endurance’ (_intolerantia_), which is the developed form of Grief, and ‘lack of restraint’ (_incontinentia_), which is the persistent inclination towards Hilarity[124]. Hence the cure for vice is summed up by him in the golden word, ‘bear and forbear[125]’; that is, practise Courage and cast off Grief, practise Soberness and keep Hilarity far from you. ‘A good rule,’ a Peripatetic would reply, ‘for women and slaves.’ [Sidenote: Avoidance of temptation.] =386.= This negative attitude is most strongly marked in Epictetus in connexion with the dangers of sexual passion. Thus his short advice to all young men with regard to the attractions of women is ‘Flee at once[126]’; and even in this his advice was countenanced in advance by the more tolerant Seneca[127]. It would appear from both writers that the battle between the sexes had become unequal at this period, so often is the picture drawn of the promising and well-educated youth literally and hopelessly enslaved by a mistress presumably without birth, education, or honour[128]. It causes us some surprise to find that the distinction between heavenly and earthly love[129] is not brought in as a corrective of the latter. Only in a general way the suggestion is made that seductive attractions should be driven out by virtuous ideals: ‘Do not be hurried away by the appearance, but say: “Appearances, wait for me a little; let me see who you are and what you are about; let me put you to the test.” And do not allow the appearance to lead you on and draw lively pictures of the things which will follow; for if you do, it will carry you off wherever it pleases. But rather bring in to oppose it some other beautiful and noble appearance and cast out this base appearance. And if you are accustomed to be exercised in this way, you will see what shoulders, what sinews, what strength you have.... This is the true athlete.... Stay, wretch, do not be carried away. Great is the combat, divine is the work; it is for kingship, for freedom, for happiness. Remember God; call on him as a helper and protector[130].’ [Sidenote: Gradations of vice.] =387.= From the study of the separate evils we revert to the general theory of Vice. And here we must recall the point that so far as vice is weakness or ill-health of the soul, it admits of gradations, which may conveniently be stated as three, namely (i) rufflings of the soul; (ii) commotions, infections, or illnesses; (iii) diseases or vices proper[131]. It is not quite easy to classify the rufflings or first slight disturbances of the soul (_prima agitatio animi_) under the four perturbations; but the bodily indications of them seem to be more marked in the weaknesses of the active or heroic character, namely Fear and Greed. Thus in the direction of Fear we meet with hair standing on end—pallor of complexion—trembling limbs—palpitation, and dizziness, all of which are bodily indications that fear is not far off; in the direction of Anger (a form of Greed) we meet with heightened colour, flashing eyes, and gnashing teeth[132]. In the direction of Grief we meet with tears and sighs, and in that of Hilarity the automatic sexual movements, amongst which we must perhaps include blushing. [Sidenote: Rufflings.] =388.= It does not appear that the early Stoic masters occupied themselves much with the gradations of vice; although a text can be taken from Zeno for a discourse on this subject. Neither does the earnest and cynically-minded Epictetus care to dwell on such details. On the other hand Seneca lays the greatest possible stress on the doctrine that ‘rufflings’ are not inconsistent with virtue. For this two arguments are available, which are perhaps not quite consistent. First, the bodily indications are beyond the control of the mind; they are necessary consequences of the union of body and soul, that is, of our mortal condition[133]. Secondly, the ‘rufflings’ correspond to the mind-pictures presented to the soul in thought, and therefore are neither moral nor immoral until the soul has given its assent to them[134]. From either point of view we arrive at a result congenial to this philosopher. The wise man is, in fact, subject to slight touches of such feelings as grief and fear[135]; he is a man, not a stone. Secondly, the sovereignty of the will remains unimpaired; give the mind but time to collect its forces, and it will restrain these feelings within their proper limits[136]. The doctrine is in reality, though not in form, a concession to the Peripatetic standpoint; it provides also a convenient means of defence against the mockers who observe that professors of philosophy often exhibit the outward signs of moral weakness. [Sidenote: ‘Commotions.’] =389.= If the soul gives way to any unreasoning impulse, it makes a false judgment and suffers relaxation of its tone: there takes place a ‘commotion’ or ‘perturbation’ (πάθος, _affectus_, _perturbatio_), which is a moral evil[137]. The Greek word πάθος admits of two interpretations; it may mean a passive state or a disease; we here use it in the milder sense. By an ‘emotion’ we mean that the soul is uprooted from its foundation, and begins as it were to toss on the sea; by ‘affection’ that it is seized or infected by some unwholesome condition[138]; by ‘perturbation’ that it has ceased to be an orderly whole, and is falling into confusion. When we regard these words in their true sense, and shake off the associations they carry with them in English, it is clear that all of them denote moral evils; nevertheless they cannot rightly be called ‘diseases’ of the soul[139]. The evils and weaknesses which have been discussed are commonly displayed in ‘commotions’ or ‘perturbations,’ and are normally equivalent to them. [Sidenote: Diseases of the soul.] =390.= The soul by giving way to perturbations becomes worse; it acquires habits of weakness in particular directions. This weakness from a passing disposition (ἕξις) changes into a permanent disposition or habit (διάθεσις), and this is in the full sense a ‘disease’ of the soul[140]. These diseases or vices are, strictly speaking, four in number[141]: but the Stoics run into great detail as regards their titles and subdivisions. Diseases in the ordinary sense (ἀρρωστήματα) display restlessness and want of self-control; such are ambition, avarice, greediness, drunkenness, running after women[142], passionate temper, obstinacy, and anxiety. An opposite class of maladies consists of unreasonable dislikes (κατὰ προσκοπὴν γινόμενα, _offensiones_); such are inhospitality, misogynism, and quarrelling with the world in general[143]. [Sidenote: Men are good or bad.] =391.= The study of vice in its various forms and gradations leaves untouched the main positions of Stoic ethics, including the Socratic paradoxes. Men are of two classes only, the wise and the foolish, the good and the bad[144]. This bold dualism the Stoics hold in common with the Persians[145]; and though it is on the one hand tempered so as to meet the common opinion that most men are of middling character, and on the other hand subordinated to the monistic principle that good shall in the end prevail, it remains the key-stone of this department of philosophy. Virtue is a right state of mind; everything that falls short of it is therefore a wrong state of mind. Virtue and vice lie in the inward disposition, not in the outward act[146]; and one who has crossed the line is equally out of bounds whatever the distance to which he has travelled on the far side[147]. Each man has therefore an all-important choice to make. The great Stoic teachers were filled with a yearning after righteousness and reconciliation with the divine purpose and a disgust and horror of the condition of the man who is at variance with his Creator, his neighbour, and himself[148]. These convictions they encased as usual in paradoxes and syllogisms. [Sidenote: All sins are equal.] =392.= That ‘the affections must be extirpated[149]’ ceases to be a paradox, as soon as we have defined affections as states of mind contrary to reason, and have made room for the ‘reasonable affections’ of caution, good will, and joy[150]. That ‘all sins are equal[151]’ remains still, as of old, a stumbling block[152]. Yet this Socratic paradox has a simple interpretation; it is a protest against the light-heartedness which tolerates ‘petty’ acts of wrongdoing, and is indifferent to the evil habits of mind thus acquired[153]. Two of the Stoic teachers of the transition period, Heraclides of Tarsus and Athenodorus, are said to have abandoned the paradox[154], and all Stoics were ready to admit that sins are ‘unlike’[155]. But, as usual, the main body held firmly to a doctrine in which they had discovered a real practical value. Just the same principle is expressed by other paradoxes, as that ‘he who has one vice has all, though he may not be equally inclined to all[156]’; and again that ‘he who is not wise is a fool and a madman[157].’ [Sidenote: Sin is curable.] =393.= In spite of the parallelism of virtue and vice the latter is destined to subordination, not only in the history of the universe, but also in the individual man. Even if sins are equal, vice as ill health of the soul has degrees. The first ‘rufflings’ of the soul are, as we have seen, not to be reckoned as real evils; its ‘perturbations’ give the hope of a coming calm; and grievous though its ‘diseases’ are, we have no suggestion of incurable sin, or of the hopeless offender. Even he who has most fallen retains the germs of virtue, and these may again ripen under a proper discipline[158]. [Sidenote: Stoic austerity.] =394.= The attitude of the Stoic school towards sin and weakness exposed it, as we have seen, to constant criticism and ridicule. To some extent this was due to the profession of philosophy in itself: for every such profession implied some claim to clearer knowledge and more consistent action than that of the crowd[159]. But the Stoics also sought to be ‘austere’ with regard to social pleasures, and thus it seemed that they neither offered others a share in their own happiness nor sympathetically partook in that of others[160]; whilst at the same time they claimed exemption from the weaknesses and failings of their neighbours. We have seen both Seneca and Epictetus anxious to meet criticism on these points by laying stress on those touches of natural feeling in which wise and foolish alike share. But in addressing the members of the sect their tone is very different; they hold out, as a prize worth the winning, the prospect of attaining to that calm and unchanging disposition of mind which has for ever left behind the flutterings of fear and greed, of grief and hilarity, and which is attuned to reason alone[161]. Epictetus indeed often expresses elation and pride upon this theme: ‘I will show the sinews of a philosopher. What are these? A desire (ὄρεξις) never disappointed, an aversion (ἔκκλισις) which never meets with that which it would avoid, a proper pursuit (ὁρμή), a diligent purpose (πρόθεσις), an assent which is not rash. These you shall see[162].’ ‘Men, if you will attend to me, wherever you are, whatever you are doing, you will not feel sorrow, nor anger, nor compulsion, nor hindrance, but you will pass your time without perturbations and free from everything. When a man has this peace (not proclaimed by Caesar, for how should he be able to proclaim it?) but by God through reason, is he not content when he reflects—Now no evil can happen to me[163]?’ FOOTNOTES [1] ‘est peccare tanquam transilire lineas’ Cic. _Par._ iii 20. [2] ‘Who among us does not speak of good and bad, of useful and not useful?... Adapt the preconception properly to the particular things’ Epict. _Disc._ ii 17, 10 and 11. [3] ‘omnes [hae perturbationes] sunt genere quattuor, partibus plures; aegritudo, formido, libido, quamque Stoici communi nomine corporis et animi ἡδονήν appellant, ego malo laetitiam appellare, quasi gestientis animi elationem voluptariam’ Cic. _Fin._ iii 10, 35; ‘est igitur aegritudo opinio recens mali praesentis, ... laetitia opinio recens boni praesentis; ... metus opinio impendentis mali, ... libido opinio venturi boni’ _Tusc. disp._ iv 7, 14; ‘hinc metuunt cupiuntque, dolent gaudentque’ Verg. _Aen._ vi 733. See also Diog. L. vii 110 and Stob. ii 7, 10 b. [4] Χρύσιππος ἀποδεικνύναι πειρᾶται, κρίσεις κενὰς εἶναι τοῦ λογιστικοῦ τὰ πάθη, Ζήνων δὲ οὐ τὰς κρίσεις αὐτάς, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἐπιγιγνομένας αὐταῖς συστολὰς καὶ χύσεις, ἐπάρσεις τε καὶ πτώσεις τής ψυχῆς ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι τὰ πάθη Galen _Hipp. et Plat._ v i, p. 429 K; cf. _ib._ iv p. 387 K (Arnim i 461). [5] In this sense there are four vices, each the precise opposite of one of the virtues; they are ἀφροσύνη (_insipientia_), ἀδικία (_iniustitia_), δειλία (_ignavia_) and ἀκολασία (_intemperantia_); and each of these is rooted in a fixed perverse judgment, so that he who has one vice has all (Stob. ii 7, 11 k, p. 106, 7 Wachsmuth). [6] This view is summed up in the phrase that ‘the perturbations are κακά, but not κακίαι’ (Stob. ii 7, 5 b), which accords with the principle that only vice and what is akin to vice is evil. The Roman writers realized the difficulty in the use of words: ‘morbi autem et aegrotationes partes sunt vitiositatis; sed perturbationes sintne eiusdem partes quaestio est. vitia enim adfectiones sunt manentes, perturbationes autem moventes, ut non possint adfectionum manentium partes esse’ Cic. _Tusc. disp._ iv 13, 29 and 30. [7] ‘utrum satius sit modicos habere adfectus an nullos, saepe quaesitum est; nostri illos expellunt, Peripatetici temperant’ Sen. _Ep._ 116, 1; ‘vacandum omni est animi perturbatione, tum cupiditate et metu, tum etiam aegritudine et voluptate nimia et iracundia’ Cic. _Off._ i 20, 69; ‘contra adfectus impetu, non subtilitate pugnandum est’ Sen. _Dial._ x 10, 1. [8] ὀργὴ μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἐπιθυμία τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαι τὸν δοκοῦντα ἠδικηκέναι Stob. ii 7, 10 c; ὑπὸ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ὑπάγεται ὀργή _ib._ 10 b. [9] Here Panaetius is faithful to the Stoic view: ‘ira procul absit, cum qua nihil recte fieri, nihil considerate potest’ Cic. _Off._ i 38, 136. [10] ‘[ira] extollit animos et incitat; nec quicquam sine illa magnificum in bello fortitudo gerit’ Sen. _Dial._ iii 7, 1. [11] ‘“non potest” inquit “fieri” Theophrastus, “ut non vir bonus irascatur malis”’ _ib._ 14, 1; ‘“quid ergo?” inquit “vir bonus non irascitur, si caedi patrem suum viderit, si rapi matrem?”’ _ib._ 12, 1. [12] ‘stat Aristoteles (fr. 80 Rose) defensor irae et vetat illam nobis exsecari; calcar ait esse virtutis’ Sen. _Dial._ v 3, 1. [13] ‘abominandum remedii genus est sanitatem debere morbo’ _ib._ iii 12, 6. [14] ‘haec arma quae Aristoteles virtuti dat, ipsa per se pugnant, non expectant manum, et habent non habentur’ _ib._ 17, 1. [15] ‘adfectus cito cadit, aequalis est ratio’ _ib._ 17, 5. [16] ‘corrigendus est qui peccat meliorque faciendus, non sine castigatione, sed sine ira’ _ib._ 15, 1. [17] ‘[Fabius] iram ante vicit quam Hannibalem’ _ib._ 11, 5. [18] ‘nec [athletae] cum ira suadet, feriunt, sed cum occasio ... ira enim perturbat artem’ _ib._ iv 14, 2 and 3. [19] ὀργὴ μὲν οὖν ἐστιν ἐπιθυμία [τοῦ] τιμωρήσασθαι τὸν δοκοῦντα ἠδικηκέναι παρὰ τὸ προσῆκον Stob. ii 7, 10 c; ‘ira est cupiditas ulciscendae iniuriae, aut, ut ait Posidonius, cupiditas puniendi eius, a quo te inique putes laesum’ Sen. _Dial._ iii 2, 4. [20] ‘ira furor brevis est’ Hor. _Ep._ i 2, 62; ‘quidam ex sapientibus viris iram dixerunt brevem insaniam’ Sen. _Dial._ iii 1, 2. [21] _ib._ 4. [22] ‘non pietas iram, sed infirmitas movet, sicut pueris, qui tam parentibus amissis flebunt quam nucibus’ _ib._ 12, 4. [23] ‘nec in ea tantum, quae destinavit, sed in occurrentia obiter furit’ _ib._ v 1, 3. [24] ‘nobis placet nihil [iram] per se audere, sed animo adprobante’ _ib._ iv 1, 4; ‘nunquam impetus sine adsensu animi est’ _ib._ 3, 4. [25] _ib._ 3-5. [26] ‘maximum remedium irae mora est’ _ib._ 29, 1; ‘Keep quiet, and count the days on which you have not been angry’ Epict. _Disc._ ii 18, 12. [27] ‘pleraque eorum, propter quae irascimur, offendunt nos magis quam laedunt’ Sen. _Dial._ v 28, 4; ‘contempt is that which putteth an edge upon anger, as much or more than the hurt itself’ Bacon, _Essay_ 57. [28] ‘eo nos loco constituamus, quo ille est cui irascimur’ Sen. _Dial._ 12, 3. [29] ‘quibusdam, ut ait Sextius, iratis profuit adspexisse speculum’ _ib._ iv 36, 1. [30] See below, § 403. [31] ‘percussit te: recede. referiendo enim et occasionem saepius feriendi dabis et excusationem’ _ib._ 34, 5. [32] ‘quaedam [irae] ultra querelas et adversationes non exeunt. quaedam altae gravesque sunt et introrsus versae’ _ib._ iii 4, 3. [33] ‘inter hos morosum ponas licet, delicatum iracundiae genus. quaedam enim sunt irae, quae intra clamorem concidant, quaedam non minus pertinaces quam frequentes’ Sen. _Dial._ 2 and 3. [34] Defined as ‘atrocitas animi in exigendis poenis’ or ‘inclinatio animi ad asperiora’ Sen. _Clem._ ii 4, 1 and 3. [35] _ib._ i 12, 1. [36] ‘domini crudeles tota civitate commonstrantur invisique et detestabiles sunt’ _ib._ 18, 3. [37] ‘ferina ista rabies est sanguine gaudere et vulneribus’ _ib._ 24, 3. [38] ‘tunc ille dirus animi morbus ad insaniam pervenit ultimam, cum crudelitas versa est in voluptatem et iam occidere hominem iuvat’ _ib._ 25, 3. [39] _ib._ 22, 1. [40] ‘puta tutam esse crudelitatem; quale eius regnum est?’ _ib._ 26, 2. [41] ‘optimum est abire ei, qui ad se nunquam rediturus est’ _Ben._ vii 20, 3. [42] λύπην δ’ εἶναι συστολὴν ψυχῆς ἀπειθῆ λόγῳ Stob. ii 7, 10 b; ‘est aegritudo opinio recens mali praesentis, in quo demitti contrahique animo rectum esse videatur’ Cic. _Tusc. disp._ iv 7, 14. [43] See above, § 114. [44] Muson. ap. Stob. iii 29, 75. [45] ‘nemo non fortius ad id, cui se diu composuerat, accessit et duris quoque, si praemeditata erant, obstitit’ Sen. _Ep._ 107, 4; and see further, § 339. [46] ‘id in quoque solidissimum est quod exercuit. ad contemnendam malorum potentiam animus patientia pervenit’ Sen. _Dial._ i 4, 13. [47] Stob. ii 31, 125 (Wachsmuth, p. 242, 30). The point is however complicated by the ambiguity of the Greek word πόνος, which corresponds equally to _dolor_ and _labor_ in Latin; see Cic. _Tusc. disp._ ii 15, 35. [48] ‘tirones leviter saucii tamen vociferantur et manus medicorum magis quam ferrum horrent; at veterani, quamvis confossi, patienter ac sine gemitu velut aliena corpora exsaniari patiuntur’ _ib._ xii 3, 1. [49] ‘scio alios inter flagella ridere, alios gemere sub colapho’ _Ep._ 13, 5. [50] ‘magna autem pars apud imperitos mali novitas; hoc ut scias, ea quae putaverant aspera, fortius, cum adsuevere, patiuntur’ _ib._ 76, 34. [51] ‘quae maxima credis | esse mala, exiguum censum turpemque repulsam’ Hor. _Ep._ i 1, 43. [52] ‘virtus, repulsae nescia sordidae, | intaminatis fulget honoribus; | nec sumit aut ponit secures | arbitrio popularis aurae’ Hor. _C._ iii 2, 17-20. [53] ‘Chrysippus, when asked why he took no part in politics, replied: ‘because, if a man is a bad politician, he is hateful to the gods; if a good politician, to his fellow-citizens’ Stob. iv 4, 29. [54] ‘si percensere singulas [res publicas] voluero, nullam inveniam, quae sapientem aut quam sapiens pati possit’ Sen. _Dial._ viii 8, 3. [55] ‘si potes, subduc te istis occupationibus; si minus, eripe’ _Ep._ 19, 1. [56] ‘mobilis et inquieta homini mens data est. nunquam se tenet, vaga et quietis impatiens, et novitate rerum laetissima’ _ib._ xii 6, 6. [57] ‘ratio et prudentia curas | ... aufert; | caelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt’ Hor. _Ep._ i 11, 25-27. [58] Sen. _Dial._ ix 12-15. [59] ‘inde ille adfectus otium suum detestantium querentiumque nihil ipsos habere quod agant’ _ib._ 2, 10. [60] ‘incertam fortunam experimur, vim tempestatum nulla humana ope superabilem, mortem sine spe sepulturae. non erat tanti’ _N. Q._ v 18, 6 and 7; ‘non eadem est his et illis causa solvendi, sed iusta nulli’ _ib._ 16; ‘quid non potest mihi suaderi, cui persuasum est ut navigarem?’ _Ep._ 53, 1. [61] _N. Q._ v 18, 10. [62] ‘magis ridebis, cum cogitaveris vitae parari, in quae vita consumitur’ Sen. _N. Q._ 16. [63] ‘misericordiam [boni viri] vitabunt; est enim vitium pusilli animi, ad speciem alienorum malorum succidentis’ _Clem._ ii 5, 1. [64] ‘anus et mulierculae sunt, quae lacrimis nocentissimorum moventur, quae, si liceret, carcerem effringerent’ _ib._ [65] Epict. _Disc._ iii 3, 17. [66] ‘cum dicas esse pares res | furta latrociniis, et magnis parva mineris | falce recisurum simili te, si tibi regnum | permittant homines’ Hor. _Sat._ i 3, 121-124; ‘scio male audire apud imperitos sectam Stoicorum tanquam nimis duram et minime principibus regibusque bonum daturam consilium ... sed nulla secta benignior leniorque est’ Sen. _Clem._ ii 5, 2 and 3. [67] See below, § 409. [68] ‘non miserebitur sapiens, sed succurret’ Sen. _Clem._ ii 6, 3. [69] Epict. _Disc._ i 11. [70] ‘ex his nemo morienti amico adsidet, nemo videre mortem patris sui sustinet, quotusquisque funus domesticum ad rogum sequitur? fratrum propinquorumque extrema hora deseritur’ Sen. _N. Q._ iii 18, 6. [71] _Dial._ ii 17, 1. [72] ‘[Vatinius] in pedes suos ipse plurima dicebat et in fauces concisas. sic inimicorum et in primis Ciceronis urbanitatem effugerat’ Sen. _Dial._ ii 17, 3; ‘nemo risum praebuit qui ex se cepit’ _ib._ 2. [73] ‘cum primum te observare desieris, imago ista tristitiae discedet’ _Ep._ 63, 3. [74] Cicero wrote a treatise ‘de Consolatione’ based on this work, but only a few fragments remain. Plutarch’s ‘Consolation’ for Apollonius was drawn from the same source (Schmekel, p. 150). [75] Cic. _Fam._ iv 5. [76] ‘denique noli te oblivisci Ciceronem esse, et eum qui aliis consueris praecipere et dare consilium’ _ib._ 5, 5. [77] ‘maximum ergo solatium est cogitare id sibi accidisse, quod ante se passi sunt omnes omnesque passuri’ Sen. _Dial._ xi 1, 4. On the other side ‘malevoli solatii est turba miserorum’ _ib._ vi 12, 5; ‘[cogita] fratribus te tuis exemplo esse debere’ _ib._ xi 5, 4. [78] _ib._ 8, 2. [79] _ib._ 9, 3; ‘inter felices currit animas’ _ib._ vi 5, 1. [80] _ib._ xi 9, 4; ‘excepit illum magna et aeterna pax’ _ib._ vi 19, 6. See also above, §§ 298, 299. [81] Sen. _Dial._ vi 3 to 5; above, § 123. [82] ‘If you are kissing your wife or child, say that it is a human being whom you are kissing; for when the wife or child dies, you will not be disturbed’ Epict. _Manual_ 3 (after Anaxagoras). [83] _Disc._ iv 1, 101. [84] ‘Never say about anything, I have lost it, but say, I have restored it. Is your child dead? It has been restored. Is your wife dead? She has been restored’ _Manual_ 11. [85] _Disc._ iii 24, 27. [86] ‘illud, ut non doleas, vix audebo exigere; et esse melius scio. sed cui ista firmitas animi continget?’ Sen. _Ep._ 63, 1. [87] ‘inhumanitas est ista, non virtus, funera suorum iisdem oculis, quibus ipsos, videre’ Sen. _Ep._ 99, 15; cf. _Dial._ xii 1, 2. [88] ‘cum primus nos nuntius acerbi funeris perculit, lacrimas naturalis necessitas exprimit’ _Ep._ 99, 18. [89] ‘nos quod praecipimus, honestum est; cum aliquid lacrimarum adfectus effuderit, non esse tradendum animum dolori’ _ib._ 27. [90] ‘at enim naturale desiderium suorum est. quis negat? sed plus est quod opinio adicit quam quod natura imperavit’ _Dial._ vi 7, 1. [91] ‘fit infelicis animi prava voluptas dolor’ _ib._ 1, 7. [92] ‘non possum molliter adsequi tam durum dolorem; frangendus est’ _ib._ [93] ‘obirascens fortunae animus et de seculo querens’ Sen. _Dial._ ix 2, 11. [94] ‘difficilis, querulus, laudator temporis acti | se puero, censor castigatorque minorum’ Hor. _A. P._ 173, 174. [95] ‘idem semper de nobis pronuntiare debebimus; malos esse nos, malos fuisse, invitus adiciam et futuros esse’ Sen. _Ben._ i 10, 3; ‘cupidi omnes et maligni omnes et timidi omnes’ _ib._ v 17, 3. [96] ‘non est quod irascaris; omnes insaniunt’ _ib._ [97] ‘satius est humana vitia placide accipere’ _ib._ ix 15, 5; ‘omnia vulgi vitia non invisa nobis, sed ridicula videantur’ _ib._ 2. [98] ‘generi humano venia tribuenda est’ _ib._ iv 10, 2. [99] ‘hoc maiores nostri questi sunt, hoc nos querimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, eversos mores, regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas et omne nefas labi; at ista eodem stant loco stabuntque, paulum dumtaxat ultra aut citra mota’ _Ben._ i 10, 1. [100] Stob. iii 17, 42 and 18, 37. [101] ‘ad vos deinde transeo, quorum profunda et insatiabilis gula hinc maria scrutatur, hinc terras. alia hamis, alia laqueis, alia retium variis generibus cum magno labore persequitur. nullis animalibus nisi ex fastidio pax est’ Sen. _Ep._ 89, 22. Another form of luxury is in the eating of food extremely hot or extremely cold: ‘quemadmodum nihil illis satis frigidum, sic nihil satis calidum est, sed ardentes boletos demittunt’ _N. Q._ iv 13, 10. [102] See above, § 83, note 82. [103] See above, § 324, note 155. [104] καὶ οἰνωθήσεσθαι μὲν [τὸν σοφόν], οὐ μεθυσθήσεσθαι δέ Diog. L. vii