Democracy in America — Volume 1 by Alexis de Tocqueville
Chapter V: Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States—Part I
4489 words | Chapter 27
Necessity Of Examining The Condition Of The States Before That Of The
Union At Large.
It is proposed to examine in the following chapter what is the form of
government established in America on the principle of the sovereignty
of the people; what are its resources, its hindrances, its advantages,
and its dangers. The first difficulty which presents itself arises from
the complex nature of the constitution of the United States, which
consists of two distinct social structures, connected and, as it were,
encased one within the other; two governments, completely separate and
almost independent, the one fulfilling the ordinary duties and
responding to the daily and indefinite calls of a community, the other
circumscribed within certain limits, and only exercising an exceptional
authority over the general interests of the country. In short, there
are twenty-four small sovereign nations, whose agglomeration
constitutes the body of the Union. To examine the Union before we have
studied the States would be to adopt a method filled with obstacles.
The form of the Federal Government of the United States was the last
which was adopted; and it is in fact nothing more than a modification
or a summary of those republican principles which were current in the
whole community before it existed, and independently of its existence.
Moreover, the Federal Government is, as I have just observed, the
exception; the Government of the States is the rule. The author who
should attempt to exhibit the picture as a whole before he had
explained its details would necessarily fall into obscurity and
repetition.
The great political principles which govern American society at this
day undoubtedly took their origin and their growth in the State. It is
therefore necessary to become acquainted with the State in order to
possess a clue to the remainder. The States which at present compose
the American Union all present the same features, as far as regards the
external aspect of their institutions. Their political or
administrative existence is centred in three focuses of action, which
may not inaptly be compared to the different nervous centres which
convey motion to the human body. The township is the lowest in order,
then the county, and lastly the State; and I propose to devote the
following chapter to the examination of these three divisions.
The American System Of Townships And Municipal Bodies
Why the Author begins the examination of the political institutions
with the township—Its existence in all nations—Difficulty of
establishing and preserving municipal independence—Its importance—Why
the Author has selected the township system of New England as the main
topic of his discussion.
It is not undesignedly that I begin this subject with the Township. The
village or township is the only association which is so perfectly
natural that wherever a number of men are collected it seems to
constitute itself.
The town, or tithing, as the smallest division of a community, must
necessarily exist in all nations, whatever their laws and customs may
be: if man makes monarchies and establishes republics, the first
association of mankind seems constituted by the hand of God. But
although the existence of the township is coeval with that of man, its
liberties are not the less rarely respected and easily destroyed. A
nation is always able to establish great political assemblies, because
it habitually contains a certain number of individuals fitted by their
talents, if not by their habits, for the direction of affairs. The
township is, on the contrary, composed of coarser materials, which are
less easily fashioned by the legislator. The difficulties which attend
the consolidation of its independence rather augment than diminish with
the increasing enlightenment of the people. A highly civilized
community spurns the attempts of a local independence, is disgusted at
its numerous blunders, and is apt to despair of success before the
experiment is completed. Again, no immunities are so ill protected from
the encroachments of the supreme power as those of municipal bodies in
general: they are unable to struggle, single-handed, against a strong
or an enterprising government, and they cannot defend their cause with
success unless it be identified with the customs of the nation and
supported by public opinion. Thus until the independence of townships
is amalgamated with the manners of a people it is easily destroyed, and
it is only after a long existence in the laws that it can be thus
amalgamated. Municipal freedom is not the fruit of human device; it is
rarely created; but it is, as it were, secretly and spontaneously
engendered in the midst of a semi-barbarous state of society. The
constant action of the laws and the national habits, peculiar
circumstances, and above all time, may consolidate it; but there is
certainly no nation on the continent of Europe which has experienced
its advantages. Nevertheless local assemblies of citizens constitute
the strength of free nations. Town-meetings are to liberty what primary
schools are to science; they bring it within the people’s reach, they
teach men how to use and how to enjoy it. A nation may establish a
system of free government, but without the spirit of municipal
institutions it cannot have the spirit of liberty. The transient
passions and the interests of an hour, or the chance of circumstances,
may have created the external forms of independence; but the despotic
tendency which has been repelled will, sooner or later, inevitably
reappear on the surface.
In order to explain to the reader the general principles on which the
political organization of the counties and townships of the United
States rests, I have thought it expedient to choose one of the States
of New England as an example, to examine the mechanism of its
constitution, and then to cast a general glance over the country. The
township and the county are not organized in the same manner in every
part of the Union; it is, however, easy to perceive that the same
principles have guided the formation of both of them throughout the
Union. I am inclined to believe that these principles have been carried
further in New England than elsewhere, and consequently that they offer
greater facilities to the observations of a stranger. The institutions
of New England form a complete and regular whole; they have received
the sanction of time, they have the support of the laws, and the still
stronger support of the manners of the community, over which they
exercise the most prodigious influence; they consequently deserve our
attention on every account.
Limits Of The Township
The township of New England is a division which stands between the
commune and the canton of France, and which corresponds in general to
the English tithing, or town. Its average population is from two to
three thousand; *a so that, on the one hand, the interests of its
inhabitants are not likely to conflict, and, on the other, men capable
of conducting its affairs are always to be found among its citizens.
a
[ In 1830 there were 305 townships in the State of Massachusetts, and
610,014 inhabitants, which gives an average of about 2,000 inhabitants
to each township.]
Authorities Of The Township In New England
The people the source of all power here as elsewhere—Manages its own
affairs—No corporation—The greater part of the authority vested in the
hands of the Selectmen—How the Selectmen act—Town-meeting—Enumeration
of the public officers of the township—Obligatory and remunerated
functions.
In the township, as well as everywhere else, the people is the only
source of power; but in no stage of government does the body of
citizens exercise a more immediate influence. In America the people is
a master whose exigencies demand obedience to the utmost limits of
possibility.
In New England the majority acts by representatives in the conduct of
the public business of the State; but if such an arrangement be
necessary in general affairs, in the townships, where the legislative
and administrative action of the government is in more immediate
contact with the subject, the system of representation is not adopted.
There is no corporation; but the body of electors, after having
designated its magistrates, directs them in everything that exceeds the
simple and ordinary executive business of the State. *b
b
[ The same rules are not applicable to the great towns, which generally
have a mayor, and a corporation divided into two bodies; this, however,
is an exception which requires the sanction of a law.—See the Act of
February 22, 1822, for appointing the authorities of the city of
Boston. It frequently happens that small towns as well as cities are
subject to a peculiar administration. In 1832, 104 townships in the
State of New York were governed in this manner.—Williams’ Register.]
This state of things is so contrary to our ideas, and so different from
our customs, that it is necessary for me to adduce some examples to
explain it thoroughly.
The public duties in the township are extremely numerous and minutely
divided, as we shall see further on; but the larger proportion of
administrative power is vested in the hands of a small number of
individuals, called “the Selectmen.” *c The general laws of the State
impose a certain number of obligations on the selectmen, which they may
fulfil without the authorization of the body they represent, but which
they can only neglect on their own responsibility. The law of the State
obliges them, for instance, to draw up the list of electors in their
townships; and if they omit this part of their functions, they are
guilty of a misdemeanor. In all the affairs, however, which are
determined by the town-meeting, the selectmen are the organs of the
popular mandate, as in France the Maire executes the decree of the
municipal council. They usually act upon their own responsibility, and
merely put in practice principles which have been previously recognized
by the majority. But if any change is to be introduced in the existing
state of things, or if they wish to undertake any new enterprise, they
are obliged to refer to the source of their power. If, for instance, a
school is to be established, the selectmen convoke the whole body of
the electors on a certain day at an appointed place; they explain the
urgency of the case; they give their opinion on the means of satisfying
it, on the probable expense, and the site which seems to be most
favorable. The meeting is consulted on these several points; it adopts
the principle, marks out the site, votes the rate, and confides the
execution of its resolution to the selectmen.
c
[ Three selectmen are appointed in the small townships, and nine in the
large ones. See “The Town-Officer,” p. 186. See also the principal laws
of the State of Massachusetts relative to the selectmen:
Act of February 20, 1786, vol. i. p. 219; February 24, 1796, vol. i. p.
488; March 7, 1801, vol. ii. p. 45; June 16, 1795, vol. i. p. 475;
March 12, 1808, vol. ii. p. 186; February 28, 1787, vol. i. p. 302;
June 22, 1797, vol. i. p. 539.]
The selectmen have alone the right of calling a town-meeting, but they
may be requested to do so: if ten citizens are desirous of submitting a
new project to the assent of the township, they may demand a general
convocation of the inhabitants; the selectmen are obliged to comply,
but they have only the right of presiding at the meeting. *d
d
[ See Laws of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 150, Act of March 25, 1786.]
The selectmen are elected every year in the month of April or of May.
The town-meeting chooses at the same time a number of other municipal
magistrates, who are entrusted with important administrative functions.
The assessors rate the township; the collectors receive the rate. A
constable is appointed to keep the peace, to watch the streets, and to
forward the execution of the laws; the town-clerk records all the town
votes, orders, grants, births, deaths, and marriages; the treasurer
keeps the funds; the overseer of the poor performs the difficult task
of superintending the action of the poor-laws; committee-men are
appointed to attend to the schools and to public instruction; and the
road-surveyors, who take care of the greater and lesser thoroughfares
of the township, complete the list of the principal functionaries. They
are, however, still further subdivided; and amongst the municipal
officers are to be found parish commissioners, who audit the expenses
of public worship; different classes of inspectors, some of whom are to
direct the citizens in case of fire; tithing-men, listers, haywards,
chimney-viewers, fence-viewers to maintain the bounds of property,
timber-measurers, and sealers of weights and measures. *e
e
[ All these magistrates actually exist; their different functions are
all detailed in a book called “The Town-Officer,” by Isaac Goodwin,
Worcester, 1827; and in the “Collection of the General Laws of
Massachusetts,” 3 vols., Boston, 1823.]
There are nineteen principal officers in a township. Every inhabitant
is constrained, on the pain of being fined, to undertake these
different functions; which, however, are almost all paid, in order that
the poorer citizens may be able to give up their time without loss. In
general the American system is not to grant a fixed salary to its
functionaries. Every service has its price, and they are remunerated in
proportion to what they have done.
Existence Of The Township
Every one the best judge of his own interest—Corollary of the principle
of the sovereignty of the people—Application of those doctrines in the
townships of America—The township of New England is sovereign in all
that concerns itself alone: subject to the State in all other
matters—Bond of the township and the State—In France the Government
lends its agent to the Commune—In America the reverse occurs.
I have already observed that the principle of the sovereignty of the
people governs the whole political system of the Anglo-Americans. Every
page of this book will afford new instances of the same doctrine. In
the nations by which the sovereignty of the people is recognized every
individual possesses an equal share of power, and participates alike in
the government of the State. Every individual is, therefore, supposed
to be as well informed, as virtuous, and as strong as any of his
fellow-citizens. He obeys the government, not because he is inferior to
the authorities which conduct it, or that he is less capable than his
neighbor of governing himself, but because he acknowledges the utility
of an association with his fellow-men, and because he knows that no
such association can exist without a regulating force. If he be a
subject in all that concerns the mutual relations of citizens, he is
free and responsible to God alone for all that concerns himself. Hence
arises the maxim that every one is the best and the sole judge of his
own private interest, and that society has no right to control a man’s
actions, unless they are prejudicial to the common weal, or unless the
common weal demands his co-operation. This doctrine is universally
admitted in the United States. I shall hereafter examine the general
influence which it exercises on the ordinary actions of life; I am now
speaking of the nature of municipal bodies.
The township, taken as a whole, and in relation to the government of
the country, may be looked upon as an individual to whom the theory I
have just alluded to is applied. Municipal independence is therefore a
natural consequence of the principle of the sovereignty of the people
in the United States: all the American republics recognize it more or
less; but circumstances have peculiarly favored its growth in New
England.
In this part of the Union the impulsion of political activity was given
in the townships; and it may almost be said that each of them
originally formed an independent nation. When the Kings of England
asserted their supremacy, they were contented to assume the central
power of the State. The townships of New England remained as they were
before; and although they are now subject to the State, they were at
first scarcely dependent upon it. It is important to remember that they
have not been invested with privileges, but that they have, on the
contrary, forfeited a portion of their independence to the State. The
townships are only subordinate to the State in those interests which I
shall term social, as they are common to all the citizens. They are
independent in all that concerns themselves; and amongst the
inhabitants of New England I believe that not a man is to be found who
would acknowledge that the State has any right to interfere in their
local interests. The towns of New England buy and sell, sue or are
sued, augment or diminish their rates, without the slightest opposition
on the part of the administrative authority of the State.
They are bound, however, to comply with the demands of the community.
If the State is in need of money, a town can neither give nor withhold
the supplies. If the State projects a road, the township cannot refuse
to let it cross its territory; if a police regulation is made by the
State, it must be enforced by the town. A uniform system of instruction
is organized all over the country, and every town is bound to establish
the schools which the law ordains. In speaking of the administration of
the United States I shall have occasion to point out the means by which
the townships are compelled to obey in these different cases: I here
merely show the existence of the obligation. Strict as this obligation
is, the government of the State imposes it in principle only, and in
its performance the township resumes all its independent rights. Thus,
taxes are voted by the State, but they are levied and collected by the
township; the existence of a school is obligatory, but the township
builds, pays, and superintends it. In France the State-collector
receives the local imposts; in America the town-collector receives the
taxes of the State. Thus the French Government lends its agents to the
commune; in America the township is the agent of the Government. This
fact alone shows the extent of the differences which exist between the
two nations.
Public Spirit Of The Townships Of New England
How the township of New England wins the affections of its
inhabitants—Difficulty of creating local public spirit in Europe—The
rights and duties of the American township favorable to
it—Characteristics of home in the United States—Manifestations of
public spirit in New England—Its happy effects.
In America, not only do municipal bodies exist, but they are kept alive
and supported by public spirit. The township of New England possesses
two advantages which infallibly secure the attentive interest of
mankind, namely, independence and authority. Its sphere is indeed small
and limited, but within that sphere its action is unrestrained; and its
independence gives to it a real importance which its extent and
population may not always ensure.
It is to be remembered that the affections of men generally lie on the
side of authority. Patriotism is not durable in a conquered nation. The
New Englander is attached to his township, not only because he was born
in it, but because it constitutes a social body of which he is a
member, and whose government claims and deserves the exercise of his
sagacity. In Europe the absence of local public spirit is a frequent
subject of regret to those who are in power; everyone agrees that there
is no surer guarantee of order and tranquility, and yet nothing is more
difficult to create. If the municipal bodies were made powerful and
independent, the authorities of the nation might be disunited and the
peace of the country endangered. Yet, without power and independence, a
town may contain good subjects, but it can have no active citizens.
Another important fact is that the township of New England is so
constituted as to excite the warmest of human affections, without
arousing the ambitious passions of the heart of man. The officers of
the country are not elected, and their authority is very limited. Even
the State is only a second-rate community, whose tranquil and obscure
administration offers no inducement sufficient to draw men away from
the circle of their interests into the turmoil of public affairs. The
federal government confers power and honor on the men who conduct it;
but these individuals can never be very numerous. The high station of
the Presidency can only be reached at an advanced period of life, and
the other federal functionaries are generally men who have been favored
by fortune, or distinguished in some other career. Such cannot be the
permanent aim of the ambitious. But the township serves as a centre for
the desire of public esteem, the want of exciting interests, and the
taste for authority and popularity, in the midst of the ordinary
relations of life; and the passions which commonly embroil society
change their character when they find a vent so near the domestic
hearth and the family circle.
In the American States power has been disseminated with admirable skill
for the purpose of interesting the greatest possible number of persons
in the common weal. Independently of the electors who are from time to
time called into action, the body politic is divided into innumerable
functionaries and officers, who all, in their several spheres,
represent the same powerful whole in whose name they act. The local
administration thus affords an unfailing source of profit and interest
to a vast number of individuals.
The American system, which divides the local authority among so many
citizens, does not scruple to multiply the functions of the town
officers. For in the United States it is believed, and with truth, that
patriotism is a kind of devotion which is strengthened by ritual
observance. In this manner the activity of the township is continually
perceptible; it is daily manifested in the fulfilment of a duty or the
exercise of a right, and a constant though gentle motion is thus kept
up in society which animates without disturbing it.
The American attaches himself to his home as the mountaineer clings to
his hills, because the characteristic features of his country are there
more distinctly marked than elsewhere. The existence of the townships
of New England is in general a happy one. Their government is suited to
their tastes, and chosen by themselves. In the midst of the profound
peace and general comfort which reign in America the commotions of
municipal discord are unfrequent. The conduct of local business is
easy. The political education of the people has long been complete; say
rather that it was complete when the people first set foot upon the
soil. In New England no tradition exists of a distinction of ranks; no
portion of the community is tempted to oppress the remainder; and the
abuses which may injure isolated individuals are forgotten in the
general contentment which prevails. If the government is defective (and
it would no doubt be easy to point out its deficiencies), the fact that
it really emanates from those it governs, and that it acts, either ill
or well, casts the protecting spell of a parental pride over its
faults. No term of comparison disturbs the satisfaction of the citizen:
England formerly governed the mass of the colonies, but the people was
always sovereign in the township where its rule is not only an ancient
but a primitive state.
The native of New England is attached to his township because it is
independent and free: his co-operation in its affairs ensures his
attachment to its interest; the well-being it affords him secures his
affection; and its welfare is the aim of his ambition and of his future
exertions: he takes a part in every occurrence in the place; he
practises the art of government in the small sphere within his reach;
he accustoms himself to those forms which can alone ensure the steady
progress of liberty; he imbibes their spirit; he acquires a taste for
order, comprehends the union or the balance of powers, and collects
clear practical notions on the nature of his duties and the extent of
his rights.
The Counties Of New England
The division of the countries in America has considerable analogy with
that of the arrondissements of France. The limits of the counties are
arbitrarily laid down, and the various districts which they contain
have no necessary connection, no common tradition or natural sympathy;
their object is simply to facilitate the administration of justice.
The extent of the township was too small to contain a system of
judicial institutions; each county has, however, a court of justice, *f
a sheriff to execute its decrees, and a prison for criminals. There are
certain wants which are felt alike by all the townships of a county; it
is therefore natural that they should be satisfied by a central
authority. In the State of Massachusetts this authority is vested in
the hands of several magistrates, who are appointed by the Governor of
the State, with the advice *g of his council. *h The officers of the
county have only a limited and occasional authority, which is
applicable to certain predetermined cases. The State and the townships
possess all the power requisite to conduct public business. The budget
of the county is drawn up by its officers, and is voted by the
legislature, but there is no assembly which directly or indirectly
represents the county. It has, therefore, properly speaking, no
political existence.
f
[ See the Act of February 14, 1821, Laws of Massachusetts, vol. i. p.
551.]
g
[ See the Act of February 20, 1819, Laws of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p.
494.]
h
[ The council of the Governor is an elective body.] A twofold tendency
may be discerned in the American constitutions, which impels the
legislator to centralize the legislative and to disperse the executive
power. The township of New England has in itself an indestructible
element of independence; and this distinct existence could only be
fictitiously introduced into the county, where its utility has not been
felt. But all the townships united have but one representation, which
is the State, the centre of the national authority: beyond the action
of the township and that of the nation, nothing can be said to exist
but the influence of individual exertion.
Administration In New England
Administration not perceived in America—Why?—The Europeans believe that
liberty is promoted by depriving the social authority of some of its
rights; the Americans, by dividing its exercise—Almost all the
administration confined to the township, and divided amongst the
town-officers—No trace of an administrative body to be perceived,
either in the township or above it—The reason of this—How it happens
that the administration of the State is uniform—Who is empowered to
enforce the obedience of the township and the county to the law—The
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