History of Ancient Pottery: Greek, Etruscan, and Roman. Volume 2 (of 2) by Walters et al.

CHAPTER XVIII

5219 words  |  Chapter 133

_ETRUSCAN AND SOUTH ITALIAN POTTERY_ Early Italian civilisation—Origin of Etruscans—Terramare civilisation—Villanuova period—Pit-tombs—Hut-urns—Trench-tombs—Relief-wares and painted vases from Cervetri—Chamber-tombs—Polledrara ware—Bucchero ware—Canopic jars—Imitations of Greek vases—Etruscan inscriptions—Sculpture in terracotta—Architectural decoration—Sarcophagi—Local pottery of Southern Italy—Messapian and Peucetian fabrics. In the succeeding section of this work we propose, by a natural transition, to deal with Italian pottery, that is, Etruscan and Roman, as distinct from Greek. The subject naturally falls under three heads—the first two dealing with the pottery of the period previous to the Roman domination of Italy, and therefore contemporaneous with the Greek pottery; the third with Roman pottery from the second century B.C. onwards, and of necessity including also remains of similar pottery from Gaul, Britain, and other countries over which that civilisation extended. In the present chapter the first two branches of the subject—namely, Etruscan pottery, and the local fabrics of Southern Italy—will be discussed; the period of time which they cover is, as has been said, coincident with that covered by the history of Greek pottery, extending from the Bronze Age down to the end of the third century B.C. § 1. ETRUSCAN POTTERY BIBLIOGRAPHY Helbig, _Die Italiker in der Poebene_; _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 1884, p. 108 ff., 1885, p. 5 ff.; Karo, _Cenni sulla cronologia preclassica_, Parma, 1898; Von Duhn in _Bonner Studien_, p. 21 ff., and in _J.H.S._ xvi. p. 125 ff.; Martha, _L’Art Étrusque_, _passim_; Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_, 2nd edn. (good for topography; archaeology out of date); _J.H.S._ xiv. p. 206 ff. (C. Smith on Polledrara ware); Gsell, _Fouilles de Vulci_; Pottier, _Cat. des vases ant. du Louvre_, ii. p. 285 ff. (the best general survey); _Notizie degli Scavi_, _passim_, for excavations; _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes_, p. xliv ff. (1) EARLY ITALIAN CIVILISATION As regards Etruria, it will be seen that the art of the people was largely imitative, being derived mainly from Greece, but in some measure also from the East. Few remains of their productions have reached the present day, with the exception of large numbers of vases, bronzes, and jewellery; these, however, afford a very clear notion of the characteristics of Etruscan art. It is hardly possible to treat the subject of working in clay in Etruria with such fulness as can be done in the case of Greece and Rome, owing to the greater dearth of literature; but in our previous chapter (III.) on this subject much has already been said with reference to what is known on this head. In regard to the pottery, careful scientific excavations, such as those undertaken by M. Gsell at Vulci (Vol. I. p. 77), have done much to increase our knowledge of all periods, and to place chronological certainty within the reach of the inquirer. In dealing with the history of art in Italy, we are naturally first met with two questions: (1) Who were the earliest inhabitants of the country, particularly in the region afterwards known as Etruria, in which the first signs of artistic development appear? (2) At what period and from what quarter did the Etruscans occupy this region, or are they aboriginal? It will therefore be necessary to devote a few preliminary paragraphs to these much-debated questions,[2246] in order to gain a better understanding of the subsequent history. The question of the origin of the Etruscans, to take the second first, is as old as Herodotos.[2247] As is well known, the Father of History held to the view that they originally came from Lydia, a view which found general support in antiquity, and is referred to by Horace,[2248] and many other writers. His fellow-townsman Dionysios was, however, of the opinion that they were autochthonous.[2249] However much of truth there may be in either of these theories, the fact remains that with certain modifications each of the two alternatives has found supporters even down to the present day, though to Niebuhr first is due the suggestion that the immigration of the Etruscans was by land and not by sea, and that they came from Central Europe by way of the Rhaetian Alps. He has been followed by most writers since—above all by Mommsen, who was the first to point out the absurdity of identifying the Lydian Τυρρηνοί or Τυρρηβοί with the Italian _Tusci_ or _Etrusci_. It follows from this that the whole of the civilisation of Northern and Central Italy is due to this race, which would obviously have left its impress on each district as it passed through it; and, secondly, that it was this same race that was afterwards known by the name of Etruscan. The chief objection to the theory of an autochthonous origin is that, as we shall presently see, a break in the civilisation of Northern Italy which can be traced about the beginning of the ninth century B.C. is of such a marked and rapid character that it cannot be regarded as due to any cause but the irruption of a new race. Moreover, there is probably, as M. Pottier points out,[2250] more truth in the words of Herodotos than appears at first sight. It is true that there are no grounds for accepting the Lydian theory absolutely; but apart from this, it is to be noted that Herodotos nowhere states that the Tyrrhenians landed on the west coast of Italy—_i.e._ in Etruria. What he does say is that, “after having visited (or coasted along) many nations, they arrived at the Umbrians, where they founded cities and inhabit them to this day; and instead of Lydians, their name was changed to that of Tyrrhenians.” Additional evidence is given by Hellanikos,[2251] who explicitly states that they landed at the mouth of the Po; and as the Umbrians probably occupied a larger territory in prehistoric than in classical times,[2252] we may fairly place here the city of Tyrsenia or Tyrrhenia, which Herodotos gives as the name of their first new home. Thus the Umbrians will represent the early aborigines whose civilisation, known as the Terramare, we shall presently describe, and it was this civilisation, transformed and developed, which was carried by the invaders over the Apennines into the region now to be known as Etruria. It will be noted that this theory at least satisfactorily combines the land and sea migrations of the Etruscans into Etruria, though it does not profess to dogmatise as to the region whence they first started. The idea that they first landed on the west coast is entirely due to Roman ideas, fostered by poets like Virgil; and though it is in one passage accepted by Dionysios of Halicarnassos, he expressly contradicts himself in another.[2253] The two chief characteristics of this new Etrusco-Umbrian civilisation are the development of geometrical decoration and the predominance of a metallurgic element, both of which are obviously derived from Eastern sources, whether Hellenic or Oriental. It will suffice here to point out that the “Tyrrhenians” during their previous voyages (see above) might well have come in contact with the other civilisations of the Eastern Mediterranean, such as Cyprus, Asia Minor, Mycenae, and the Greek islands, and that their natural acquisitiveness and capacity for imitation, which we shall find illustrated throughout their history, enabled them to pick up and use artistic ideas from all these quarters. Even their earliest art yields many points of comparison with that of the Eastern Mediterranean. The earliest civilisation of which traces have survived in Italy is, as we have already seen, that of the Terramare, so called from the remains discovered in that district, covering the basin of the Eridanus or Po, but chiefly between Piacenza and Bologna. We have further seen that the aboriginal people to whom these remains belong are probably to be identified with the Umbrians, but it is perhaps safer to style them Italiotes. They were lake-dwellers, living in wooden houses built on piles in the water or in the marshy lagoons of the district which they inhabited, and their civilisation was of the rudest description. We find among their remains, besides rude objects in bronze and other substances, pottery of the very simplest kinds, hand-made and roughly baked. This is not found in tombs, but mingled with the débris of the dwellings. The shapes comprise cups and pots, and there are few attempts at decoration beyond rows of knobs or bosses. A crescent-shaped or lunulated handle is attached to many of the vases, serving as a support for the thumb; but this is a feature also found in other parts of Italy and in Sicily. Iron, glass, and silver are quite unknown, and gold only represented by a doubtful specimen; on the other hand, along with the finds of bronze, which include weapons, tools, and objects of toilet, are survivals of the Neolithic Age in the shape of axes, spear-heads, and tools of stone. In several of the settlements actual moulds for bronze-casting were found. The Neolithic remains are sufficient to indicate the early date of this civilisation, and it is probably contemporary in point of development (if not of date) with the earliest remains from Hissarlik and Cyprus. It may thus be traced back as far as 1500 B.C. at least, and seems to extend down to about the end of the tenth century B.C. The analogous pottery found at Thapsus in Sicily is mixed with Mycenaean vases, and may therefore be more precisely dated; but it is altogether more advanced than that of the Terramare. The influence of the latter no doubt spread gradually downwards during these thousand years through Central and Southern Italy.[2254] (2) THE VILLANUOVA PERIOD (TOMBS _A POZZO_) The next stage in the development of civilisation in Italy, probably separated from the preceding by a period of transition, is what is known as the Villanuova period, from a site of that name at Bologna. It begins with the ninth century B.C., and lasts for some two hundred years; its traces are much more widely spread than those of the Terramare people, being found not only to the north of the Apennines, but all over Etruria. It is interesting to note that the chief finds have been made in what afterwards became the principal centres of Etruscan civilisation, such as Bologna, Corneto, Vetulonia, etc. In almost every respect it shows a marked development on the preceding stage. Iron is already known, and the working of bronze better understood, the processes of hammering plates (σφυρήλατον) and working in _repoussé_ being introduced to supplement that of casting.[2255] We now for the first time meet with tombs, the characteristic form of which is that of a well or pit, ending in a small circular chamber, in which the remains are deposited. Italian archaeologists have given to these tombs the name of _a pozzo_. The method of burial practised was almost exclusively that of incineration, but it appears certain that the inhabitants of Etruria never showed a special preference either for one method or the other, and the alternative method of inhumation already appears at Corneto before the next stage is reached with the eighth century. It has been sometimes objected that the introduction of inhumation must connote the first arrival of the Etruscan people in these regions, on the ground that they did not practise incineration; but this idea rests on no sound basis. The introduction of the new system, which never entirely ousted incineration, can easily be explained as due to external influences; not indeed to the Phoenicians (although it was a universal Oriental custom), for their influence in Italy has been much exaggerated; but rather to the Greeks, who colonised Cumae in the middle of the eighth century, from which time onwards Hellenic influence gradually becomes more and more apparent. We have seen, then, that the Villanuova civilisation may be fairly regarded as Etruscan. It was not, however, by any means confined to Etruria, for it is spread all over the country to the north of the Apennines, and two of its most important centres were at Bologna and Este. The whole of this region shows traces of having been for a long time under the early Etruscan domination. It is, in fact, in close dependence on the Terramare civilisation which here preceded it, the difference, as we have indicated, being brought about by commerce and foreign influences. [Illustration: From _Ann. dell’ Inst._ FIG. 178. TOMB _A POZZO_ WITH CINERARY URN. ] The _pozzo_ tombs usually contain a large cinerary urn or _ossuarium_, in which the ashes were placed after being burnt (Fig. 178).[2256] These urns are fashioned by hand from a badly levigated volcanic clay, generally known as _impasto Italico_. It is to be distinguished from the later _bucchero nero_ (see p. 301) by its quality, and by the fact that vases of the latter clay are always wheel-made. The clay is irregularly baked over an open fire, and the colour of the surface varies from red-brown to greyish black. It is covered with a polished slip, and there is no doubt that it was the intention of the potter to give the vases a metallic appearance as well as form. As regards their shape, they are of a peculiar but uniform type, with a small handle at the widest part, and cover in the form of an inverted bowl or saucer with handle (Fig. 179: see also Fig. 178).[2257] The ornamentation consists of geometrical ornaments incised or stamped in bands round the neck and body—such as maeanders, chevrons, stars, and dots—the incisions being made while the clay was moist. In rare cases we meet with painted ornaments in white applied directly to the surface. Besides the urns, which often almost fill the chamber, accessory objects in the form of common pottery, fibulae, and other bronze objects, spindle-whorls and amber objects, are found in the tombs. The common pottery does not in its character exhibit much advance on that of the Terramare. The difference, indeed, consists not so much in development of technique as in a greater variety of decoration. It has points of resemblance with the far earlier pottery of Hissarlik and the early Bronze Age tombs of Cyprus (see Chapter VI.), and there are not wanting evidences of commercial intercourse with and importation from the Eastern Mediterranean. But two salient features of the Italian wares are the employment of handles and the unique form of the hut-urn (see below). [Illustration: From _Notizie degli Scavi_. FIG. 179. CINERARY URNS FROM TOMBS OF VILLANUOVA PERIOD AT CORNETO. ] The clay is mostly of the same kind as that of the urns, and the smoked and irregularly fired surface shows that furnaces were not yet in use, but that an open fire sufficed for the purpose. The technique is exceedingly primitive, and the forms are simple but heavy. In the latter respect the striking difference in the inherent artistic capacity of the Greeks and Italians is already apparent. The latter never at any time displayed that unfailing eye for form which distinguishes the Greeks in all their products. The shapes include saucers like the urn-covers, bowls with a flat vertical or high-looped handle, flasks with long beak-like necks like the early Cypriote vases, bowls with small feet, jars with one or two handles, _aski_, and _kerni_, or groups of vases united on one stem. Many of these are quite plain, but the majority are decorated with geometrical patterns, like the _ossuaria_ or urns already described. Some of the patterns show quite a mechanical regularity, as if produced from a stamp. These take the form of circular sinkings and other patterns formed by circles, an early instance of a motive which afterwards became common in Etruria. There are even some instances of designs in colour, a sort of cream pigment being used. A peculiarity of this class is the fondness for protuberances in the form of horns on the handles (_ansae lunulatae_), which are also found in the Terramare, as already mentioned; or knobs round the body of the vase, in order to hold cords for suspension, which afterwards served a merely decorative purpose, like the bosses on cups described by Homer.[2258] Sometimes are to be seen rude attempts at modelling horses or heads of oxen, or at giving the whole vase the form of a bird, as is seen in some of the _aski_.[2259] The absence of accessory vases in Villanuova tombs, as is sometimes the case at Vulci,[2260] seems to show either very great antiquity or else a long survival of an older type. On the whole, however, a chronological classification is hardly possible. Generally speaking, the pit-tombs were still in use throughout Etruria at the end of the eighth century, and no tombs of the next stage can be dated earlier than 700 B.C. The line of demarcation for the latter end of the period is therefore the seventh century, coincident with the first undoubtedly Greek importations found in the tombs. The real interest of the Villanuova period is, however, centred in remains which do not come within our province—namely, the objects in bronze which have been found in such enormous numbers at Bologna, Vetulonia, and elsewhere.[2261] They fall into line with the earliest remains on Hellenic sites—such as Olympia, Rhodes, and Crete—and a connection can often be traced, as in the fibulae, with the Hallstatt civilisation.[2262] On the other hand, they are entirely free from any Oriental influence. Sometimes the cinerary urns in the tombs of this period take the form of huts (_tuguria_), though these are more often found in the neighbourhood of Rome, as at Alba Longa. They represent, in fact, the civilisation of the Italiote people on their first arrival in Latium, which they probably colonised by moving southward through Umbria and Picenum, leaving Tuscany to the Etruscans. One of the best examples of these hut-urns is that from the Hamilton collection in the British Museum (Plate LVII. fig. 4), which still contains ashes. The ashes were inserted through a little door, which was secured by a cord passing through two rings at its side and tied round the vase. The ornamentation suggests the rude carpentry which was applied to the construction of the dwellings of this primitive people, the cover or roof being vaulted, with raised ridges intended to represent the beams of a house or cottage. These urns have no glaze on their surface, but a polish was produced by friction. They are occasionally painted with patterns in white, inlaid in grooves. On the Museum example are fragments of maeander. They are usually found inside large vases, which protected them from falling earth and other accidents. The fact that they were found under beds of lava originally led to an exaggerated opinion of their antiquity, but in any case the nature of their contents confirms their very primitive use.[2263] An interesting account of the early settlements in the southern extremity of Etruria is given by Von Duhn,[2264] as the result of exploration by local archaeologists on the sites of Falerii (Civita Castellana) and Narce.[2265] The most interesting feature of these results is the gradual migration of the peoples from the hill-tops to the valleys as they became more civilised. Thus many modern cities, such as Florence, are direct descendants of the early hill-settlements of primitive Italy. In Etruria it was usually the reclaiming of the marshes for cultivation that enabled the population to settle in the lower and more accessible situations. The Faliscan region well illustrates this principle, as does Narce. In the earliest graves on the hill-tops cremation is the rule, and the urns are of the Villanuova type. Nothing of later date than the eighth century is found, and no importations. The hut-dwellings at Narce seem to have been of the hut-urn type. The common pottery is of the primitive hand-made greyish black clay; but after the eighth century the position of the settlement was shifted lower down, and in these later tombs a remarkable series of red-glazed wares is found (see below, p. 301), and Greek and Oriental importations soon make their appearance. Narce soon fell under Etruscan sway, but Falerii retained its individuality for some time longer. (3) THIRD PERIOD: TOMBS _A FOSSA_; FIRST GREEK INFLUENCES The next stage in the development of Etruscan civilisation is marked by a change in the form of the tomb. The pit is now replaced by a trench; in other words, the vertical form is exchanged for a horizontal one. Concurrently with this change the practice of inhumation becomes fairly general. This period may be regarded as extending from the eighth century B.C. to the beginning of the sixth, and is marked by the first signs of importations from Greece in the shape of Geometric pottery and bronzes. In general character it is not strongly marked off from the preceding. The great advance is in the development of art in the objects found in the tombs. Not only do we witness the first beginnings of what is destined to become the typical species of Etruscan pottery—namely, the _bucchero nero_—but towards the end of the period the Greek influence, as evidenced by finds of wheel-made vases with Geometrical decoration, or even of the so-called Proto-Corinthian type, becomes widely felt. It was no doubt largely due to the foundation of colonies in the south of Italy, such as Cumae. Altogether it is a most important period for the history of Etruscan pottery. Of Oriental influence there are at present hardly any signs, and all wheel-made vases found in these tombs are probably of Greek origin, as it does not appear that the wheel was in regular use before the middle of the sixth century.[2266] It is now necessary to turn our attention to the local hand-made varieties. And, in the first place, it is worthy of note that pottery of the Villanuova type actually survives the transition from the pit-tombs to the trenches, as is seen at Corneto, Vetulonia, and elsewhere. Probably it indicates the pottery in common use, the imported objects being only regarded as _de luxe_; or else, as Prof. Helbig suggests,[2267] the former types were preserved for religious reasons connected with burial rites, as was often the case in Roman religion. In the earlier types of pottery from the _fossa_ tombs, such as are common at Vulci, the hand-made pottery of _impasto Italico_ still continues, preserving the same shapes and the same simple linear decoration; but it is better baked, and the surface is somewhat better polished. Red wares are also found, and yellow wares with Geometrical ornaments painted in red, which are evidently local imitations of the Greek Geometrical fabrics (see below). Later, while the technique remains unaltered, a difference is seen in the forms, which become lighter, more varied, and more symmetrical. Such shapes as the stamnos, kantharos, and trefoil-mouthed oinochoë now for the first time appear. The methods of ornamentation are also modified; new varieties of incised patterns are seen, and the bodies of the vases are sometimes fluted or ribbed; while such motives as friezes of ducks, which are also found on the contemporary bronzes,[2268] now first find a place. M. Gsell, describing in detail the various fabrics found in the Vulci tombs of this period,[2269] speaks of pottery of a grey clay baked to red, perhaps in a furnace, forming urns and jars of a considerable size. He thinks that some primitive kind of wheel (see above) must have been used to produce these. In some of the _impasto_ wares there is a decided advance in technique, the clay being better levigated and the walls of the vases thinner. Some black wares seem to have been _fumigated_ like the later _bucchero_. Generally speaking, both incineration and inhumation are still practised. The ornaments are incised, stamped, or painted, and the decoration almost exclusively linear, the stamped patterns being usually in the form of stars. This pottery is, in fact, merely a continuation of that of the pit-tombs, except that the imitation of metal-work is much more strongly in evidence. Yet another variety preserves the methods and forms of the Villanuova class, but introduces a new kind of clay, altogether black, as distinguished from the earlier reds and browns. A remarkable specimen of this early black ware found at Orvieto has incised upon it the subject of Bellerophon and the Chimaera, the style being, as we should expect, childish to the verge of the ludicrous.[2270] Later, the black wares acquire a very fair glazed surface, and are ornamented with incised linear patterns of zigzags, chevrons, etc.; these are mostly small vases. It is in these two particularly that we see the forerunners of the highly developed _bucchero_ ware. Besides these local fabrics, there are found Greek imported wares with Geometrical decoration of pale yellow clay, with ornaments in brown turning to red; the commonest form is the oinochoë, and the patterns include circles, zigzags, wavy lines, embattled patterns, etc. These are all wheel-made, and are, in fact, the same types as are found in the Dipylon cemetery at Athens and in Boeotia (Chapter VII.); the earliest instances belong to the end of the eighth century, in some late pit-tombs at Caere, in which also “Proto-Corinthian” pottery was found. They coincide with the great impetus given to Greek colonisation in Sicily and Southern Italy, and probably came by that way into Etruria. It should be borne in mind that these vases were imported not for their own merit, but for the value of their contents. It has already been mentioned that local imitations of them are found in the trench-tombs. To the seventh century belong also two classes of pottery which are more or less connected, and are chiefly associated with Caere.[2271] The first class consists of a series of vases of red ware, mostly large jars and πίθοι, ornamented with designs in relief, the lower part of the body being usually ribbed. The designs take the form of bands of figures stamped round the upper part of the vase, either in groups on the principle of the metope or in extended friezes. In the former case the design was produced from a single stamp for each group; in the latter, it was rolled out from a cylinder resembling those in use in Assyria for sealing documents. Besides the jars, plates of this ware are not uncommon; they may have formed either covers like those of the Villanuova _ossuaria_, or stands for the jars, in order to hold drippings of liquid, etc. The use of the πίθοι in tombs is not quite clear, though they were doubtless in daily use for holding grain or liquids.[2272] The subjects are always of an Orientalising character, similar to those found on Greek vases under Oriental influence, and comprising animals, monsters, hunting scenes, combats, and banquets. The origin of these vases is doubtful; they may be either indigenous or imported, as similar examples have been found in Rhodes, Boeotia, Sicily, and elsewhere; but they are rare outside Etruria. The suggestion of a Sicilian origin[2273] has found some favour, but it is more likely that they are native productions after Greek models (see Vol. I. p. 496); some are undoubtedly of local make,[2274] and they were probably made at Caere or in the neighbourhood. Their prototypes go back almost to the Mycenaean period, but were hardly imported before 700 B.C., after which time the local imitations begin, being one more instance of the invariable rule that all Etruscan pottery is more or less imitative. Similar vases in metal were manufactured on the coast of Asia Minor, and the ἀναθήματα of the Lydian kings at Delphi[2275] were probably examples of this class.[2276] [Illustration: From _Gaz. Arch._ FIG. 180. PAINTED ETRUSCAN PITHOS FROM CERVETRI (IN LOUVRE): BIRTH OF ATHENA; BOAR-HUNT. ] The second class shows some affinities to the other in regard to the shape and the nature of the clay; but the important difference is that the vases are decorated with _painted_ subjects instead of reliefs. The subjects are painted in white outline on a brick-red glazed ground, the process being as follows: The clay, which resembles the _impasto Italico_, is first hardened by baking, and then a mixture of wax and resin and iron oxide is applied to it, and a lustre given to the surface by polishing. The pigment, a mixture of chalk and lime, is then laid on. The process can hardly be said to be Greek, and yet the subjects are purely Greek, being borrowed in part from the Greek Geometrical vases, such as sea-fights, and in part from later (Ionian) sources[2277]; we actually find representations of the Birth of Athena and the Hunt of the Calydonian Boar (Fig. 180).[2278] The shapes of the vases again are certainly local, as are the animal forms, which resemble those incised on the _bucchero_ wares. The drawing is usually crude in the extreme. It is interesting to note that on the vase from which Fig. 180 is taken the potter has painted in white an Etruscan inscription (not shown in the cut). Another vase of the same class was found in the Polledrara tomb (see Plate LVI. and p. 300 below). The method of painting in opaque pigment on a red or black ground is, it would seem, an Ionian characteristic, being found at Naukratis in the seventh century (Vol. I. p. 347), and also, as we shall see on other quasi-Ionic fabrics in Etruria. Generally speaking, the tombs _a fossa_ are not later than the middle of the seventh century; evidence of this is given by the absence of _bucchero_ proper and of Corinthian fabrics. There are, however, traces of their lingering on even down into the sixth century, as at Vulci, where Helbig mentions a tomb found in 1884 containing Corinthian vases of that date.[2279] At Corneto the latest belong to the end of the seventh century. (4) FOURTH PERIOD: CHAMBER TOMBS; ORIENTAL INFLUENCE Our fourth period, which in many respects shows a close continuity with that of the tombs _a fossa_, is nevertheless clearly defined by two circumstances: firstly, the adoption of a new type of tomb, doubtless developed out of the _fossa_, which takes the form of a large chamber, and is therefore known as _a camera_; secondly, the influence of Oriental art, concurrently with an increased influx of importations from Greece. The period covers about a century of time, from 650 to 550 B.C., and includes several of the largest and most important tombs that have been found in Etruria, which will demand more or less detailed treatment. In none, however, were any great finds of pottery made; but one of these tombs, the Grotta d’ Iside or Polledrara tomb at Vulci, contained several specimens of exceptional interest. The simplest form of chamber-tomb consists of a narrow corridor or δρόμος leading into a larger chamber; next, the δρόμος opens into a square or rectangular vestibule, round which various side-chambers are attached; finally, the tomb assumes the form of a vast subterranean edifice composed of several wings, and used for more than one corpse—in fact, a “family vault.” While on the one hand the ceramic types of the Villanuova period still linger on, as in the retention of _ossuaria_ for the receipt of ashes, on the other the painted Greek vases and the local _bucchero_ wares increase more and more, and altogether there is a great advance in the direction of variety and richness. This period saw not only the general

Chapters

1. Chapter 1 2. PART III 3. CHAPTER XII 4. CHAPTER XIII 5. CHAPTER XIV 6. CHAPTER XV 7. CHAPTER XVI 8. CHAPTER XVII 9. PART IV 10. CHAPTER XVIII 11. CHAPTER XIX 12. CHAPTER XX 13. Introduction of lamps at Rome—Sites where found—Principal 14. CHAPTER XXI 15. CHAPTER XXII 16. CHAPTER XXIII 17. 111. Gigantomachia, from Ionic vase _Mon. dell’ Inst._ 18. 112. Poseidon and Polybotes, from _Gerhard_ 19. 114. Hermes slaying Argos (vase at _Wiener Vorl._ 20. 115. Poseidon and Amphitrite _Ant. Denkm._ 21. 117. Aphrodite and her following Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 22. 119. Hermes with Apollo’s oxen (in _Baumeister_ 23. 120. Dionysos with Satyrs and _Brit. Mus._ 24. 121. Maenad in frenzy (cup at _Baumeister_ 25. 122. Charon’s bark (lekythos at _Baumeister_ 26. 123. Thanatos and Hypnos with body _Brit. Mus._ 27. 126. Herakles bringing the boar to _Brit. Mus._ 28. 127. Apotheosis of Herakles (vase _Arch. Zeit._ 29. 129. Judgment of Paris (Hieron cup _Wiener Vorl._ 30. 132. Kroisos on the funeral pyre _Baumeister_ 31. 135. Athletes engaged in the _Brit. Mus._ 32. 136. Agricultural scenes _Baumeister_ 33. 137. Warrior arming; archers _Hoppin_ 34. 144. Maeander (Attic, about 480 35. 148. Spirals under handles 36. 151. Guilloche or plait-band 37. 155. Ivy-wreath (black-figure 38. 158. _Vallisneria spiralis_ 39. 160. Lotos-flowers and buds _Riegl_ 40. 161. Palmette-and lotos-pattern 41. 163. Chain of palmettes and lotos 42. 164. Palmettes and lotos under 43. 165. Palmette on neck of red-bodied 44. 166. Enclosed palmettes (R.F. 45. 168. Palmette under handles (South 46. 171. Facsimile of inscription on _Brit. Mus._ 47. 172. Facsimile of Dipylon _Ath. Mitth._ 48. 173. Scheme of alphabets on Greek 49. 174. Facsimile of inscription on _Roehl_ 50. 175. Facsimile of signatures on _Furtwaengler and 51. 176. Facsimile of signature of _Brit. Mus._ 52. 177. Figure with inscribed scroll 53. 178. Etruscan tomb with cinerary _Ann. dell’ Inst._ 54. 179. Villanuova cinerary urns from _Notizie_ 55. 180. Painted pithos from Cervetri _Gaz. Arch._ 56. 181. Canopic jar in bronze-plated _Mus. Ital._ 57. 183. Terracotta sarcophagus in _Dennis_ 58. 184. Painted terracotta slab in _Dennis_ 59. 190. Diagram of Roman wall- _Blümner_ 60. 192. Method of heating in Baths of _Middleton_ 61. 193. Flue-tile with ornamental 62. 195. Inscribed tile in Guildhall 63. 201. Terracotta coin-mould _Daremberg and 64. 214. Plan of kiln at Heiligenberg _Daremberg and 65. 215. Section of ditto _Daremberg and 66. 218. Arretine bowl in Boston: death _Philologus_ 67. 226. Vase of Banassac fabric from _Mus. Borb._ 68. 227. Medallion from vase of _Brit. Mus._ 69. 228. Medallion from vase: Atalanta _Gaz. Arch._ 70. 230. Roman mortarium from _Brit. Mus._ 71. PART III 72. CHAPTER XII 73. Chapter XV. will be discussed all such subjects as relate to the daily 74. episode most frequent is that of the =return of Hephaistos= in a 75. 1. Marsyas picks up the flutes dropped by Athena: Berlin 2418 = 76. 4. Marsyas performing: B.M. E 490; Reinach, i. 452 (Berlin 2950), i. 77. 5. Apollo performing: Jatta 1364 = _Él. Cér._ ii. 63; _Wiener Vorl._ 78. 6. Apollo victorious: Reinach, ii. 310; Petersburg 355 = Reinach, i. 79. 7. Condemnation of Marsyas: Naples 3231 = Reinach, i. 405; Reinach, 80. 8. Flaying of Marsyas: Naples 2991 = Reinach, i. 406 (a vase with 81. CHAPTER XIII 82. 1. Physical (Sun, Moon, Dawn, Winds, etc.). 2. Geographical 83. 7. Ethical ideas (Justice, Envy, Strife, etc.). 8. 84. CHAPTER XIV 85. introduction to Zeus by Athena, a scene common on both B.F. and R.F. 86. Book I. 187 ff. The dispute of Agamemnon and Achilles. 87. Book II. 50 ff. Agamemnon in council. 88. Book III. 259 ff. Priam setting out in his chariot. 89. Book V. 95–296. Combat of Diomedes and Pandaros (a reminiscence of). 90. Book VI. 215 ff. Diomedes and Glaukos exchanging arms. 91. Book VII. 162 ff. Combat of Ajax and Hector. 92. Book VIII. 89 ff. Combat of Hector and Diomedes. 93. Book IX. Achilles lying sick (apparently a _contaminatio_ or confusion 94. Book X. 330–461. Episode of Dolon; his capture by Odysseus. 95. Book XI. The fight at the ships. 96. Book XIV. Combat of Ajax and Aeneas (? l. 402 ff.). 97. Book XVI. 666 ff. Sarpedon carried off by Hypnos and Thanatos. 98. Book XVII. 60 ff. Combat of Menelaos and Euphorbos, and fight over his 99. Book XVIII. 367 ff. (1) Thetis in the smithy of Hephaistos. 100. Book XIX. 1–18. Thetis and the Nereids bringing the armour to Achilles. 101. Book XXI. 114 ff. Combat of Achilles and Lykaon. 102. Book XXII. 188 ff. Achilles pursuing Hector round the walls of Troy. 103. Book XXIII. 157 ff. Funeral games for Patroklos. 104. Book XXIV. 16 ff. Achilles dragging Hector’s body past the 105. Book II. 94 ff. Penelope at her loom. 106. Book III. 12 ff. Arrival of Telemachos at Nestor’s house in Pylos. 107. Book IV. 349 ff. The story of Menelaos’ interview with Proteus. 108. Book V. 228 ff. Odysseus navigating the sea on a raft. 109. Book VI. 126 ff. Nausikaa washing clothes. 110. Book IX. 345 ff. Odysseus offering wine to Polyphemos. 111. Book X. 210 ff. Odysseus and Kirke (see _J.H.S._ xiii. p. 82). 112. Book XI. 23 ff. Odysseus sacrificing before his visit to Hades. 113. Book XII. 164–200. Odysseus passing the Sirens. 114. Book XVIII. 35 ff. Odysseus and Iros. 115. Book XIX. 385 ff. Odysseus recognised by Eurykleia. 116. Book XXI. 393—XXII. 5 ff. The slaying of the suitors. 117. CHAPTER XV 118. 1. RELIGIOUS SUBJECTS 119. 2. FUNERAL SCENES 120. 3. THE DRAMA 121. 4. ATHLETICS AND SPORT 122. 5. TRADES AND OCCUPATIONS 123. 6. DAILY LIFE OF WOMEN 124. 7. MILITARY AND NAVAL SUBJECTS 125. 8. ORIENTALS AND BARBARIANS 126. 9. BANQUETS AND REVELS 127. 10. ANIMALS 128. 1. Runner with trainer: _Bourguignon Sale Cat._ 31. See on the 129. CHAPTER XVI 130. CHAPTER XVII 131. introduction into Greece at about 660 B.C. is fairly correct. The 132. PART IV 133. CHAPTER XVIII 134. introduction of the wheel into Etruria, but also the introduction of 135. introduction of the furnace; (3) by extensive imitation of Greek 136. 1. CAULDRON AND STAND OF RED WARE FROM FALERII; 2. PAINTED AMPHORA OF 137. Chapter III., regarding the use of clay in general in classical times. 138. 2. ETRUSCAN SARCOPHAGUS (THIRD CENT.) 139. Chapter VIII.). 140. CHAPTER XIX 141. 1. BRICKS AND TILES 142. 1. (_a_) With name of master only (either of _praedia_ or 143. 2. (_a_) Master and potter (often a slave): 144. 3. (_a_) Master, potter, and name of pottery: 145. 1. (_a_) _Ex praedis L. Memmi Rufi._ 146. 2. (_a_) _Ex figlinis_ (vel _praedis_) _Domitiae Lucillae, opus 147. 3. (_a_) _Ex figlinis_ (vel _praedis_) _Caepionianis Plotiae 148. 2. TERRACOTTA MURAL RELIEFS 149. 1. ZEUS AND THE CURETES; 2. DIONYSOS IN THE LIKNON-CRADLE (BRITISH 150. 1. ROMAN STATUES AND STATUETTES 151. Chapter III. when dealing with the Greek terracottas. Large figures 152. 2. GAULISH TERRACOTTAS 153. 3. MISCELLANEOUS USES OF TERRACOTTA 154. CHAPTER XX 155. Introduction of lamps at Rome—Sites where found—Principal 156. CHAPTER XXI 157. 1. INTRODUCTORY 158. 2. TECHNICAL PROCESSES 159. 1. Without glaze[3087]: 160. 2. With glaze[3088]: 161. 3. ROMAN POTTERY-FURNACES 162. 1. ITALY 163. 2. FRANCE 164. 3. GERMANY 165. 4. ENGLAND 166. 4. POTTERY IN LATIN LITERATURE; SHAPES AND USES 167. part 3, No. 10002. 168. CHAPTER XXII 169. CHAPTER XXIII 170. 1. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

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