Chapter 26), were the blue copper earth already mentioned, which may

have been mixed and blended together.”—Hist. Inv. Vol. I. pp. 480, 481. _Bohn’s Edition._ [1165] According to Vitruvius, B. vii. c. 11, the manufactory of Vestorius was at Puteoli, now Pozzuoli. This was probably the same C. Vestorius who was also a money-lender and a friend of Atticus, and with whom Cicero had monetary transactions. He is mentioned as “Vestorium meum,” in the Epistles of Cicero to Atticus. [1166] For colouring surfaces of clay or cretaceous earth. This kind was also manufactured by Vesturius, most probably. [1167] “Idem et Puteolani usus, præterque ad fenestras.” “The expression here, _usus ad fenestras_, has been misapplied by Lehmann, as a strong proof of his assertion; for he explained it as if Pliny had said that a blue pigment was used for painting window-frames; but glass windows were at that time unknown. I suspect that Pliny meant to say only that one kind of paint could not be employed near openings which afforded a passage to the light, as it soon decayed and lost its colour. This would have been the case in particular with _lake_, in which there was a mixture of vegetable particles.”—Beckmann, Hist. Inv. Vol. I. p. 480. [1168] “Indian” pigment. Probably our “indigo.” It is again mentioned, and at greater length, in B. xxxv. c. 27. See also Beckmann, Hist. Inv. Vol. II. pp. 259, 267. _Bohn’s Edition._ [1169] This is probably a more correct reading than “seven.” [1170] See B. xxxv. c. 19. Vitruvius, B. vii. c. 14, describes an exactly similar method adopted by dyers for imitating the colour of Attic sil, or ochre, mentioned in Chapter 56. [1171] A quarter in the city of Capua, inhabited by druggists and perfumers; see B. xvi. c. 18, and B. xxxiv. c. 25. [1172] In some MSS. the reading here is “Domitius,” and in others the name is omitted altogether. We learn from the writings of Suetonius, that the Emperor Domitian devoted himself to literary pursuits in his younger days, and Quintilian and the younger Pliny speak of his poetical productions as equal to those of the greatest masters. Sillig expresses an opinion that Pliny may possibly have borrowed something from his works, and inserted his name, with a view of pleasing the young prince and his father, the Emperor Vespasian. [1173] He is quoted in Chapter 9 of this Book, where it appears that he took his cognomen on account of his friendship for C. Gracchus. He wrote a work, “De Potestatibus,” which gave an account of the Roman magistrates from the time of the kings. A few fragments of this work, which was highly esteemed by the ancients, are all that remain. [1174] See end of B. ii. [1175] See end of B. iii. [1176] See end of B. ii. [1177] Valerius Messala Corvinus. See end of B. ix. [1178] See end of B. vii. [1179] Calvus Licinius Macer was the son of C. Licinius Macer, a person of prætorian rank, who, on being impeached of extortion by Cicero, committed suicide. We learn from our author, B. xxxiv. c. 50, that in his youth he devoted himself to study with the greatest zeal, and applied himself with singular energy to intellectual pursuits. His constitution, however, was early exhausted, and he died in his 35th or 36th year, leaving behind him twenty-one orations. We learn from Cicero and Quintilian that his compositions were carefully moulded after the models of the Attic school, but were deficient in ease and freshness. As a poet he was the author of many short pieces, equally remarkable for their looseness and elegance. He wrote also some severe lampoons on Pompey and Cæsar, and their respective partisans. Ovid and Horace, besides several of the prose writers, make mention of him. [1180] See end of B. ii. [1181] See end of B. ii. [1182] Cornelius Bocchus. See end of B. xvi. [1183] Annius or Annæus Fetialis. See end of B. xvi. [1184] See end of B. viii. [1185] See end of B. vii. [1186] See end of B. xx. [1187] See end of B. xii. [1188] See end of B. iii. [1189] See end of B. ii. [1190] See end of B. v. [1191] The person mentioned in Chapter 13 of this Book, is probably different from those of the same name mentioned at the end of Books ii. and iv. If so, no further particulars are known of him. [1192] It seems impossible to say which of the physicians of this name is here alluded to. See end of Books iv. and xii. [1193] See end of B. xx. [1194] See end of B. xii. [1195] See end of B. xiii. [1196] See end of B. xii. [1197] See end of B. xii.; and for Sallustius Dionysius, see end of B. xxxi. [1198] See end of B. xxix. [1199] See end of B. xii. [1200] See end of B. xii. [1201] As King Attalus was very skilful in medicine, Hardouin is of opinion that he is the person here meant; see end of B. viii. [1202] A different person, most probably, from the writer of Pliny’s age, mentioned in B. xxxvii. c. 2. The Xenocrates here mentioned is probably the same person that is spoken of in B. xxxv. c. 36, a statuary of the school of Lysippus, and the pupil either of Tisicrates or of Euthycrates, who flourished about B.C. 260. [1203] There were two artists of this name, prior to the time of Pliny; a sculptor, mentioned by him in B. xxxiv. c. 19, and a painter, contemporary with Apelles, mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 36. It is impossible to say which of them, if either, is here meant. [1204] See end of B. iii. [1205] See end of B. xii. [1206] It is impossible to say which writer of this name is here meant. See end of Books iv., viii., xi., and xx. [1207] A statuary, sculptor, and chaser in silver, who flourished at Rome about B.C. 60. He was a native of Magna Græcia, in the south of Italy. He is not only mentioned in Chapter 55 of the present Book, but also in B. xxxv. c. 45, as an artist of the highest distinction. His narrow escape from a panther, while copying from nature, is mentioned in B. xxxvi. c. 4. His five Books on the most celebrated works of sculpture and chasing were looked upon as a high authority in art. He was also the head of a school of artists. [1208] A writer on painting of this name is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius, B. vii. c. 12. He is probably the same as the person here mentioned, and identical with the Greek sculptor mentioned by Pliny in B. xxxiv. c. 19, who probably flourished about 240 B.C. The Toreutic Art, “Toreutice,” was the art of making raised work in silver or bronze, either by graving or casting: but the exact meaning of the word is somewhat uncertain. [1209] Menæchmus of Sicyon, probably; see end of B. iv., also B. xxxiv. c. 19. [1210] If he is really a different person from the Xenocrates mentioned above, nothing is known of him. [1211] See end of B. vii. [1212] Possibly one of the persons mentioned at the end of Books viii., xix., and xxxi. If not, nothing whatever is known of him. [1213] An Athenian writer, surnamed “Periegetes.” The work here mentioned, is alluded to by other writers under different names. From a passage in Athenæus, he is supposed to have lived after the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. [1214] See end of B. iii. [1215] The present Book is translated by the late Dr. Bostock, the translation being corrected by the readings of the Bamberg MS., which do not appear to have come under his notice. Some Notes by Dr. Bostock will be also found at the commencement of Books 33 and 35; they are distinguished by the initial B. [1216] “Æris Metalla.” The word “Æs” does not entirely correspond to our word “brass;” the brass of the moderns being a compound of copper and zinc, while the “Æs” of the ancients was mostly composed of copper and tin, and therefore, would be more correctly designated by the word “bronze.” But this last term is now so generally appropriated to works of art, that it would seem preferable to employ in most cases the more general terms “copper” or “brass.” For an excellent account of the “Æs” of the ancients, see Smith’s Dict. Antiq. “Æs.”—B. Mr. Westmacott, in the above-mentioned article, says that the ancient “Æs” has been found, upon analysis, to contain no zinc, but in nearly every instance to be a mixture of copper and tin, like our bronze. Beckmann says, on the other hand, that the mixture of zinc and copper now called “brass,” first discovered by ores, abundant in zinc, _was certainly known to the ancients_. “In the course of time, an ore, _which must have been calamine_, was added to copper while melting, to give it a yellow colour.” Hist. Inv. Vol. II. pp. 32, 33. _Bohn’s Edition._ There can be little doubt that the native _Cadmia_ of Chapter 22 of this Book was our Calamine, hydrosilicate of zinc, or carbonate of zinc, or else copper ore impregnated with calamine. [1217] In B. xxxiii. c. 13. [1218] “Stipis auctoritas.” The standard in money payments. [1219] These terms must have come into use when brass, “æs,” was the ordinary medium, of circulation.—B. Their meaning is, “soldiers’ pay,” “tribunes of the treasury,” the “public treasury,” “made bondmen for debt,” and “mulcted of their pay.” [1220] In B. xxxiii. c. 13.—B. [1221] “Collegium” The colleges of the priests and of the augurs being the first two associated bodies.—B. [1222] In B. xxxiii. c. 31, where we have an account of the ores of silver.—B. [1223] Pliny again refers to this mineral in the 22d Chapter. We have no means of ascertaining, with certainty, what is the substance to which this name was applied by the ancients. The ores of copper are very numerous, and of various chemical constitutions] the most abundant, and those most commonly employed in the production of the pure metal, are the sulphurets, more especially what is termed copper pyrites, and the oxides. It has been supposed, by some commentators, that the Cadmia of the ancients was Calamine, which is an ore of zinc; but we may be confident that the _Æs_ of the ancients could not be produced from this substance, because, as has been stated above, the _Æs_ contains no zinc. I must, however, observe that the contrary opinion is maintained by M. Delafosso.—B. See Note 1216 above. [1224] The inhabitants of Bergamum, the modern Bergamo.—B. See B. iii. c. 21. [1225] Aristotle gives the same account of the copper ore of Cyprus. Chalcitis is also spoken of by Dioscorides, as an ore of copper.—B. See further as to “Chalcitis,” in Chapter 29 of this Book. [1226] There has been much discussion respecting the nature of this substance, and the derivation of the word. Hardouin conceives it probable that it was originally written “orichalcum,” _i.e._ “mountain brass” or “copper.”—B. Ajasson considers it to be native brass, a mixture of copper and zinc. In the later writers it signifies artificial brass. The exact composition of this metal is still unknown, but there is little doubt that Hardouin is right in his supposition as to the origin of the name. [1227] Possibly so called from Sallustius Crispus, the historian, who was one of the secretaries of Augustus. [1228] There is some doubt respecting the locality of these people; they are enumerated by Pliny among the inhabitants of the mountainous districts of Savoy, B. iii. c. 24, and are referred to by Ptolemy.—B. [1229] Livia. [1230] It was named “Marian,” after the celebrated Marius, and “Corduban,” from the place whence it was procured; probably the mountains near Corduba, in Spain, well known as the birth-place of the two Senecas and of Lucan.—B. See B. iii. c. 3, and B. xix. c. 43. [1231] No light is thrown upon the nature either of Cadmia or Aurichalcum by this statement; we only learn from it that different compounds, or substances possessing different physical properties, went under the common appellation of _Æs_, and were, each of them, employed in the formation of coins.—B. [1232] “Dupondiariis.” The “as,” it must be remembered, _originally_ weighed one pound. See B. xxxiii. c. 13, and the Introduction to Vol. III. [1233] He alludes to the _ancient_ works of art in this compound metal. [1234] The art of making compound metals. [1235] Vulcan, namely. [1236] No one has accidentally stumbled upon the art of making this composite metal. [1237] We have an account of the destruction of Corinth, and the accidental formation of this compound, in Florus, B. ii. c. 16. Although this account was generally received by the ancients, we may venture to assert, that it cannot be correct; we cannot conceive the possibility of such a fusion taking place during the destruction of the city, or of the complete union of the components, in the mode in which they have been found to exist.—B. [1238] B.C. 146.—B. [1239] “Trulleos.” In an epigram of Martial, B. ix. Ep. 97, the word “trulla” signifies a chamber-pot. [1240] From the Greek ἥπαρ, “the liver.” [1241] The Delian brass is mentioned by Cicero, in his oration “Pro Roscio Amerino,” s. 46, and in his Fourth oration “In Verrem,” s. 1.—B. Pausanias, in his “Eliaca,” says that the Spanish copper, or copper of Tartessus, was the first known. [1242] Or Cattle Market: in the Eighth Region of the City. See B. xxxv. c. 7, and Chapter 16 of this Book. [1243] A distinguished statuary and engraver on silver. He lived in Olympiad 87. Further mention is made of him by Cicero, Ovid, Strabo, and Pausanias. See also Chapter 19 of this Book. [1244] There were several artists of this name. The elder Polycletus, a native either of Sicyon or of Argos, is probably the one here referred to. For further particulars of him, see Chapter 19. [1245] The words in the original are, respectively _candelabra_, _superficies_, and _scapi_.—B. [1246] Probably a proverbial expression at Rome, as it is employed by Juvenal, in an analogous manner, upon another occasion; Sat. iii. l. 132.—B. [1247] Plutarch speaks of the Geganii as an ancient noble family at Rome. [1248] See B. xxxiii. c. 53. [1249] A.U.C. 585; we have an account of it in Livy, B. xiv. c. 42.—B. [1250] This building is referred to by Velleius Paterculus, in the beginning of the Second Book of his History.—B. According to Aurelius Victor, it was situated in the Ninth Region of the City. [1251] The Temple of Vesta is described by Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. l. 265, _et seq._—B. [1252] C. Camillus probably, the Roman jurist and friend of Cicero. [1253] See end of B. ii. [1254] “Triclinia,” “abaci,” and “monopodia;” these appear to have been couches for dining-tables, tables furnished with cupboards, and tables standing on a single foot. Livy, B. xxxix. c. 6, informs us, that Cneius Manlius, in his triumphal procession, introduced into Rome various articles of Asiatic luxury; “Lectos æratos, vestem stragulam preciosam, monopodia, et abacos.” We are not to suppose that the whole of these articles were made of brass, but that certain parts of them were formed of this metal, or else were ornamented with brass.—B. [1255] See end of B. ii. [1256] “Cortinas tripodum.” These articles of furniture consisted of a table or slab, supported by three feet, which was employed, like our sideboards, for the display of plate, at the Roman entertainments.—B. [1257] “Lychnuchi pensiles;” this term is applied by Suetonius, Julius, s. 37; we may conceive that they were similar to the modern chandeliers.—B. [1258] This temple was dedicated by Augustus A.U.C. 726. The lamps in it, resembling trees laden with fruit, are mentioned by Victor in his description of the Tenth Quarter of the City.—B. [1259] See B. v. c. 32. [1260] We have an account of this event in Livy, B. ii. c. 41, in Valerius Maximus, and in Dionysius of Halicarnassus.—B. [1261] “Iconicæ,” “portrait statues,” from εἴκων, of the same meaning. This term is employed by Suetonius, in speaking of a statue of Caligula, c. 22.—B. [1262] Pisistratus. These statues are mentioned in the 19th Chapter of this Book, as being the workmanship of Praxiteles.—B. [1263] See B. vii. cc. 31, 34: B. viii. c. 74: and B. ix. c. 63. [1264] Near the Temple of Janus, in the Eighth Region of the City. [1265] The Luperci were the priests of Pan, who, at the celebration of their games, called Lupercalia, were in the habit of running about the streets of Rome, with no other covering than a goat’s skin tied about the loins.—B. [1266] “Pænula.” See B. viii. c. 73. [1267] We are informed by Cicero, De Off. B. iii. c. 30, and by Valerius Maximus, B. ii. c. 7, that Marcinus made a treaty with the Numantines, which the senate refused to ratify, and that he was, in consequence, surrendered to the enemy. We may suppose that he regarded the transaction as redounding more to the discredit of the senate than of himself.—B. [1268] See end of B. xviii. [1269] In the First Region of the City, near the Capenian Gate. [1270] “Celetes;” this appellation is derived from the Greek word κέλης, “swift,” and was applied to those who rode on horseback, in opposition to the charioteers—B. [1271] Poinsinet remarks that Pliny has forgotten the gilded chariot, with six horses, which Cneius Cornelius dedicated in the Capitol, two hundred years before Augustus; he also refers to an ancient inscription in Gruter, which mentions chariots of this description.—B. [1272] Mænius was consul with Furius Camillus, A.U.C. 416; we have an account of his victories over the Latins and other neighbouring nations in Livy, B. viii. c. 14.—B. [1273] We have an account of this transaction in Livy, B. viii. c. 14. This trophy is also mentioned by Florus, B. i. c. 11. The “Suggestus” was an elevated place, formed for various purposes, the stage from which the orators addressed the people, the place from which the general addressed his soldiers, and the seat occupied by the emperor at the public games.—B. [1274] Florus, B. ii. c. 2, gives an account of the arrangements and equipment of the Carthaginian fleet, the victory of Duillius, and the rostral monument erected in its commemoration.—B. [1275] See B. xviii. c. 4. [1276] “Unciariâ stipe;” the _uncia_ was the twelfth part of the “as,” and the word _stips_ was regarded as equivalent to _as_, as being the usual pay of the soldiers.—B. See Introduction to Vol. III. [1277] See B. xv. c. 20. [1278] This circumstance is mentioned by Cicero in his Defence of Milo, § 90-1.—B. [1279] We have some account of Hermodorus in Cicero’s Tusc. Quæs. B. v. c. 36.—B. [1280] See B. x. c. 2, B. xviii. c. 3, and B. xxxiii. c. 7. [1281] Livy, B. ii. c. 10, and Valerius Maximus, B. iii. c. 2, give an account of this event. A. Gellius incidentally mentions the statue, and its position in the Comitium, B. iv. c. 5.—B. [1282] We are informed by Dion Cassius, that there were eight statues in the Capitol, seven of which were of the kings, and the eighth of Brutus, who overthrew the kingly government; at a later period the statue of Cæsar was placed by the side of that of Brutus.—B. [1283] Suetonius, speaking of this temple, remarks, that though dedicated to the brothers Castor and Pollux, it was, only known as the Temple of Castor.—B. [1284] We have an account of the victory of Tremulus over the Hernici, and of the statue erected in honour of him, in Livy, B. ix. c. 43.—B. [1285] This event is referred to by Cicero, Philipp. ix., 5.—B. [1286] Florus, B. ii. c. 5, gives an account of the murder of P. Junius and T. Coruncanius.—B. [1287] In the Bamberg MS. the reading is “unum se. verbum.” Gronovius is probably right in his conjecture that the word is “senatus consulti.” [1288] By one Leptines, at Laodicea. [1289] “Oculatissimo.” The place where there was “the most extended eyeshot.” It is to this singular expression, probably, that Pliny alludes. [1290] “Quod campum Tiberinum gratificata esset ea populo.” [1291] A.U.C. 441. [1292] See B. vii. c. 31. [1293] His life has been written by Diogenes Laertius, and he is mentioned by Cicero, de Fin. B. v. c. 19, and by Strabo.—B. [1294] In B. xxxiii. c. 46. [1295] We have an account of the exploit of Clælia in Livy, B. ii. c. 13, and in Valerius Maximus, B. iii. c. 2: there is a reference to this statue in Seneca, de Consol. c. 16.—B. [1296] To King Porsena. [1297] See end of B. xvi. [1298] Plutarch says that it was uncertain whether the statue was erected to Clælia or to Valeria.—B. [1299] A.U.C. 596.—B. [1300] See Chapter 9. [1301] “In Octaviæ operibus.” These were certain public buildings, erected in Rome by Augustus, and named by him after his sister Octavia; they are mentioned by Suetonius.—B. [1302] Valerius Maximus refers to this event, but he names the individual Statius Servilius, B. i. c. 8, § 6.—B. [1303] See B. xxxiii. cc. 50, 54. [1304] We have an account of the attack by Hannibal on Rome in the twenty-sixth Book of Livy, but we have no mention of the particular circumstance here referred to.—B. [1305] “Forum Boarium.” See Chapter 5. [1306] Livy, B. i. c. 19, informs us, that Numa made Janus of a form to denote both peace and war.—B. [1307] The mode in which the fingers were placed, so as to serve the purpose here indicated, is supposed to have been by their forming the letters which were the Roman numerals for the figures in question. We are informed that some MSS. of Pliny give the number three hundred and fifty-five only, and there is reason to believe that, in the time of Numa, this was considered to be the actual number of days in the year. Some of the commentators, however, are disposed to read three hundred and sixty-five; and this opinion derives some support from Macrobius, who refers to this statue as indicating this latter number with its fingers.—B. The Bamberg MS. gives three hundred and sixty-five. [1308] See end of B. iii. [1309] “Misoromæus”—“Roman-hater.” See end of B. iii. [1310] Pliny himself informs us, in B. xxxv. c. 45, that the statue of Jupiter in the Capitol, erected by Tarquinius Priscus, was formed of earth.—B. [1311] The art of moulding or modelling in argillaceous earth; see B. xxxv. cc. 43, 45. [1312] See B. xxxvi. c. 2, where he informs us that this theatre was hardly one month in use.—B. [1313] Hardouin gives several quotations illustrative of his liberality in bestowing ornaments in the City, and his inattention to his domestic concerns.—B. [1314] The brothers Lucius and Marcus, the former of whom triumphed in the Mithridatic, the latter in the Macedonian War.—B. [1315] See end of B. ii. [1316] See B. vii. c. 38. [1317] The absolute number of statues assigned to Lysippus differs considerably in the different editions, as is the case in almost every instance where figures are concerned. Pliny gives a further account of his works in the next two Chapters and in the following Book.—B. [1318] “Aureum.” See B. xxxiii. c. 13, and B. xxxvii. c. 3. [1319] In their attack upon Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian; A.U.C. 822. [1320] See B. iv. c. 27. [1321] It was a statue of Jupiter. [1322] Better known by the name of Q. Fabius Maximus; he acquired the soubriquet of Verrucosus from a large wart on the upper lip.—B. [1323] The Colossus of Rhodes was begun by Chares, but he committed suicide, in consequence of having made some mistake in the estimate; the work was completed by Laches, also an inhabitant of Lindos.—B. [1324] It remained on the spot where it was thrown down for nearly nine hundred years, until the year 653 A.D., when Moavia, khalif of the Saracens, after the capture of Rhodes, sold the materials; it is said that it required nine hundred camels to remove the remains.—B. [1325] Demetrius Poliorcetes. See B. xxxv. c. 36. [1326] He is mentioned by Columella, in his Introduction to his work De Re Rusticâ, in connexion with the most celebrated Grecian artists.—B. [1327] Suetonius, in describing the temple which Augustus dedicated to Apollo, on the Palatine Hill, speaks of the Portico with the Latin and Greek library.—B. [1328] This victory took place A.U.C. 461; we have an account of it in Livy, the concluding Chapter of the Tenth Book.—B. [1329] This was a statue of Jupiter, placed on the Alban Mount, twelve miles from Rome. At this place the various states of Latium exercised their religious rites in conjunction with the Romans; it was sometimes called Latialis.—B. See B. iii. c. 9, and Notes; Vol. I. p. 205. [1330] The designer of the Colossus at Rhodes. [1331] Decius is said by Hardouin to have been a statuary, but nothing is known respecting him or his works.—B. He probably lived about the time of the Consul P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, A.U.C. 697. [1332] His country is unknown. [1333] See B. iv. c. 33. [1334] St. Jerome informs us, that Vespasian removed the head of Nero, and substituted that of the Sun with seven rays. Martial refers to it in the Second Epigram _De Spectaculis_, and also B. i. Ep. 71.—B. [1335] “Parvis admodum surculis.” There is, it appears, some difficulty in determining the application of the word _surculis_ to the subject in question, and we have no explanation of it by any of the commentators. Can it refer to the frame of wicker work which contained the model into which the melted metal was poured?—B. [1336] This observation has been supposed to imply, that Zenodotus cast his statues in a number of separate pieces, which were afterwards connected together, and not, as was the case with the great Grecian artists, in one entire piece.—B. [1337] See B. xxxiii. c. 55. [1338] The term _signum_, which is applied to the Corinthian figures, may mean a medallion, or perhaps a seal-ring or brooch; we only know that it must have been something small, which might be carried about the person, or, at least, easily moved from place to place.—B. _Statuette_, probably. [1339] Her riddle, and its solution by Œdipus, are too well known to need repetition here. [1340] In the following Chapter. [1341] Consul A.U.C. 787. [1342] The “Avenger.” In the Forum of Augustus, in the Eighth Region of the City. [1343] “Regia.” The palace of Minerva, also in the Forum of Augustus.—B. [1344] See B. vii. c. 39, B. xxxv. c. 34, and B. xxxvi. c. 4. [1345] We have an account of this statue, and of the temple in which it was placed, by Pausanias, B. v. There is no work of Phidias now in existence; the sculptures in the Parthenon were, however, executed by his pupils and under his immediate directions, so that we may form some judgment of his genius and taste.—B. There is a foot in the British Museum, said to be the work of Phidias. [1346] An Athenian; see B. xxxvi. c. 5. He is spoken of in high terms by Pausanias and Valerius Maximus. [1347] Tutor of Ptolichus of Corcyra, and highly distinguished for his statues of the slayers of the tyrants at Athens. He is mentioned also by Lucian and Pausanias. [1348] The reading is uncertain here, the old editions giving “Nestocles.” We shall _only_ devote a Note to such artists as are mentioned by other authors besides Pliny. [1349] An Athenian; mentioned also by Pausanias. [1350] There were probably two artists of this name; one an Argive, tutor of Phidias, and the other a Sicyonian, the person here referred to. [1351] A native of Ægina, mentioned by Pausanias. There is also a statuary of Elis of the same name, mentioned by Pausanias, and to whom Thiersch is of opinion reference is here made. [1352] See Chapter 5 of this Book. [1353] An Argive, mentioned by Pausanias. [1354] See Chapter 5 of this Book. [1355] Again mentioned by Pliny, as a native of Rhegium in Italy. [1356] A native of Paros, mentioned also by Pausanias and Strabo. [1357] Probably “Perillus,” the artist who made the brazen bull for Phalaris, the tyrant of Agrigentum. The old reading is “Parelius.” [1358] This and the following word probably mean one person—“Asopodorus the Argive.” [1359] Perhaps the same person that is mentioned by Pausanias, B. vi. c. 20, as having improved the form of the starting-place at the Olympic Games. [1360] Mentioned by Pausanias as an Arcadian, and son of Clitor. [1361] A native of Clitorium in Arcadia, and mentioned also by Pausanias. [1362] He is said by Pausanias and Athenæus to have been the son, also, of Myron. [1363] Son of Motho, and a native of Argos. He was brother and instructor of the younger Polycletus, of Argos. He is mentioned also by Pausanias and Tatian. [1364] He is once mentioned by Pausanias, and there is still extant the basis of one of his works, with his name inscribed. [1365] It is supposed that there were two artists of this name, both natives of Sicyon, the one grandson of the other. They are both named by Pausanias. [1366] Probably a Sicyonian; he is mentioned also by Pausanias. [1367] As Pliny mentions two artists of this name, it is impossible to say to which of them Pausanias refers as being an Athenian, in B. vi. c. 4. [1368] The elder artist of this name. He was an Athenian, and his sister was the wife of Phocion. He is also mentioned by Plutarch and Pausanias. [1369] An Athenian; he is mentioned also by Vitruvius, Pausanias, and Tatian. Winckelmann mentions an inscription relative to him, which, however, appears to be spurious. [1370] He is mentioned also by Pausanias, and is supposed by Sillig to have been a Theban. [1371] Praxiteles held a high rank among the ancient sculptors, and may be considered as second to Phidias alone; he is frequently mentioned by Pausanias and various other classical writers. Pliny gives a further account of the works of Praxiteles in the two following Books.—B. [1372] He was also an eminent painter, and is also mentioned by Quintilian, Dio Chrysostom, and Plutarch. [1373] Another reading is “Echion.” [1374] See B. xxxv. cc. 32, 36. [1375] This great artist, a native of Sicyon, has been already mentioned in B. vii. c. 39, and in the two preceding Chapters of the present Book; he is again mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 39.—B. See note 1344 above. [1376] Also a native of Sicyon. He is mentioned by Tatian. [1377] Mentioned also by Pausanias, Plutarch, Strabo, and Appian. The next two names in former editions stand as one, “Euphronides.” [1378] Supposed to have been an architect, and builder of the Pharos near Alexandria: see B. xxxvi. c. 18. The same person is mentioned also by Strabo, Lucian, and Suidas. [1379] An Athenian. He is mentioned also by Pausanias, Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, and Tatian. [1380] See B. xxxv. c. 36. [1381] A Sicyonian, pupil of Lysippus. He is also mentioned by Pausanias; see also B. xxxvi. c. 4. [1382] Son and pupil of Lysippus. He is mentioned also by Tatian, and by some writers as the instructor of Xenocrates. [1383] Sillig thinks that this is a mistake made by Pliny for “Daïppus,” a statuary mentioned by Pausanias. [1384] Son of Praxiteles, and mentioned by Tatian in conjunction with Euthycrates. The elder Cephisodotus has been already mentioned. See Note 1368. [1385] Another son of Praxiteles. He is also alluded to by Pausanias, though not by name. [1386] His country is uncertain, but he was preceptor of Mygdon of Soli. See B. xxxv. c. 40. [1387] Mentioned also by Tatian; his country is unknown. [1388] It is doubtful whether Pausanias alludes, in B. vi. c. 4, to this artist, or to the one of the same name mentioned under Olymp. 102. See Note 1367. [1389] Sillig suggests that this word is an adjective, denoting the country of Polycles, in order to distinguish him from the elder Polycles. [1390] We learn from Pausanias that he worked in conjunction with Timarchides. The other artists here mentioned are quite unknown. [1391] Sillig, in his “Dictionary of Ancient Artists,” observes that “this passage contains many foolish statements.” Also that there is “an obvious intermixture in it of truth and falsehood.” [1392] This is universally admitted to have been one of the most splendid works of art. It is celebrated by various writers; Pausanias speaks of it in B. i. See also B. xxxvi. c. 4.—B. [1393] As being made for the Temple of Diana at Ephesus. [1394] Probably “Callimorphos,” or “Calliste.” We learn from Pausanias that it was placed in the Citadel of Athens. Lucian prefers it to every other work of Phidias. [1395] A figure of a female “holding keys.” The key was one of the attributes of Proserpina, as also of Janus; but the latter was an Italian divinity. [1396] “Ædem Fortunæ hujusce diei.” This reading, about which there has been some doubt, is supported by an ancient inscription in Orellius. [1397] “Artem toreuticen.” See Note at the end of B. xxxiii. [1398] Pliny has here confounded two artists of the same name; the Polycletus who was the successor of Phidias, and was not much inferior to him in merit, and Polycletus of Argos, who lived 160 years later, and who also executed many capital works, some of which are here mentioned. It appears that Cicero, Vitruvius, Strabo, Quintilian, Plutarch, and Lucian have also confounded these two artists; but Pausanias, who is very correct in the account which he gives us of all subjects connected with works of art, was aware of the distinction; and it is from his observations that we have been enabled to correct the error into which so many eminent writers had fallen.—B. [1399] Derived from the head-dress of the statue, which had the “head ornamented with a fillet.” Lucian mentions it. [1400] The “Spear-bearer.” [1401] “Canon.” This no doubt was _the same_ statue as the Doryphoros. See Cicero, Brut. 86, 296. [1402] Or “strigil.” Visconti says that this was a statue of Tydeus purifying himself from the murder of his brother. It is represented on gems still in existence. [1403] “Talo incessentem.” “Gesner (Chrestom. Plin.) has strangely explained these words as intimating a person _in the act of kicking another_. He seems to confound the words _talus_ and _calx_.”—Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists. [1404] “The players at dice.” This is the subject of a painting found at Herculaneum.—B. [1405] The “Leader.” A name given also to Mercury, in Pausanias, B. viii. c. 31. See Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists. [1406] “Carried about.” It has been supposed by some commentators, that Artemon acquired this surname from his being carried about in a litter, in consequence of his lameness; a very different derivation has been assigned by others to the word, on the authority of Anacreon, as quoted by Heraclides Ponticus, that it was applied to Artemon in consequence of his excessively luxurious and effeminate habits of life.—B. It was evidently a recumbent figure. Ajasson compares this voluptuous person to “_le gentleman Anglais aux Indes_”—“The English Gentleman in India!” [1407] See Note 1397 above. [1408] “Quadrata.” Brotero quotes a passage from Celsus, B. ii c. 1, which serves to explain the use of this term as applied to the form of a statue; “Corpus autem habilissimum quadratum est, neque gracile, neque obesum.”—B. “The body best adapted for activity is square-built, and neither slender nor obese.” [1409] “Ad unum exemplum.” Having a sort of family likeness, similarly to our pictures by Francia the Goldsmith, and Angelica Kaufmann. [1410] Myron was born at Eleutheræ, in Bœotia; but having been presented by the Athenians with the freedom of their city, he afterwards resided there, and was always designated an Athenian.—B. [1411] This figure is referred to by Ovid, De Ponto, B. iv. Ep. 1, l. 34, as also by a host of Epigrammatic writers in the Greek Anthology. [1412] See the Greek Anthology, B. vi. Ep. 2. [1413] “Player with the Discus.” It is mentioned by Quintilian and Lucian. There is a copy of it in marble in the British Museum, and one in the Palazzo Massimi at Home. The Heifer of Myron is mentioned by Procopius, as being at Rome in the sixth century. No copy of it is known to exist. [1414] Seen by Pausanias in the Acropolis at Athens. [1415] Or “Sawyers.” [1416] In reference to the story of the Satyr Marsyas and Minerva, told by Ovid, Fasti, B. vi. l. 697, _et seq._ [1417] Persons engaged in the five contests of quoiting, running, leaping, wrestling, and hurling the javelin. [1418] Competitors in boxing and wrestling. [1419] Mentioned by Cicero In Verrem, Or. 4. This Circus was in the Eleventh Region of the city. [1420] See the Anthology, B. iii. Ep. 14, where an epigram on this subject is ascribed to Anytes or Leonides; but the Myro mentioned is a female. See Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists. [1421] She was a poetess of Teios or Lesbos, and a contemporary of Sappho. [1422] “Multiplicasse veritatem.” Sillig has commented at some length on this passage, Dict. Ancient Artists. [1423] See Note 1418 above. [1424] There is a painter of this name mentioned in B. xxxv. c. 43. The reading is extremely doubtful. [1425] Mentioned by Plato, De Legibus, B. viii. and by Pausanias, B. vi. c. 13. He was thrice victorious at the Olympic Games. [1426] Python. [1427] From the Greek word Δικαιὸς, “just,” or “trustworthy.”—B. [1428] Diogenes Laertius mentions a Pythagoras, a statuary, in his life of his celebrated namesake, the founder of the great school of philosophy.—B. Pausanias, B. ix. c. 33, speaks of a Parian statuary of this name. [1429] See Note 1395 above. [1430] See end of B. vii. [1431] Cicero remarks, Brut. 86, 296, “that Lysippus used to say that the Doryphoros of Polycletus was his master,” implying that he considered himself indebted for his skill to having studied the above-mentioned work of Polycletus.—B. [1432] In Chapter 17 of this Book.—B. [1433] The same subject, which, as mentioned above, had been treated by Polycletus.—B. [1434] In the Eighth Region of the City. [1435] Ἀποξυόμενος, the Greek name of the statue, signifying one “scraping himself.” [1436] The head encircled with rays. [1437] The lines of Horace are well known, in which he says, that Alexander would allow his portrait to be painted by no one except Apelles, nor his statue to be made by any one except Lysippus, Epist. B. ii. Ep. 1, l. 237.—B. [1438] This expression would seem to indicate that the gold was attached to the bronze by some mechanical process, and not that the statue was covered with thin leaves of the metal.—B. [1439] This story is adopted by Apuleius, in the “Florida,” B. i., who says that Polycletus was the only artist who made a statue of Alexander. [1440] A large group of equestrian statues, representing those of Alexander’s body-guard, who had fallen at the battle of the Granicus. [1441] A.U.C. 606. [1442] See the Greek Anthology, B. iv. Ep. 14, where this subject is treated of in the epigram upon his statue of Opportunity, represented with the forelock. [1443] Which is a word of Greek origin, somewhat similar to our word “proportion.” [1444] At Lebadæa in Bœotia. [1445] Hardouin seems to think that “fiscina” here means a “muzzle.” The Epigram in the Greek Anthology, B. iv. c. 7, attributed to King Philip, is supposed by Hardouin to bear reference to this figure. [1446] The circumstance here referred to is related by Q. Curtius, B. ix. c. 5, as having occurred at the siege of the city of the Oxydracæ; according to other historians, however, it is said to have taken place at a city of the Malli.—B. [1447] See Note 1417, above. [1448] Κατάγουσα; a figure of Ceres, probably, “leading back” Proserpine from the domains of Pluto. Sillig, however, dissents from this interpretation; Dict. Ancient Artists. [1449] Or Bacchus. [1450] See Pausanias, B. i. c. 20. Sillig says, “Pliny seems to have confounded two Satyrs made by Praxiteles, for that here named stood alone in the ‘Via Tripodum’ at Athens, and was quite different from the one which was associated with the figure of Intoxication, and that of Bacchus.”—Dict. Ancient Artists. [1451] “Much-famed.” Visconti is of opinion that the Reposing Satyr, formerly in the Napoleon Museum at Paris, was a copy of this statue. Winckelmann is also of the same opinion. [1452] In the Second Region of the city. According to Cicero, in Verrem. vi., they were brought from Achaia by L. Mummius, who took them from Thespiæ, A.U.C. 608. [1453] See B. xxxvi. c. 4. [1454] A woman plaiting garlands. [1455] A soubriquet for an old hag, it is thought. [1456] A female carrying wine. [1457] According to Valerius Maximus, B. ii. s. 10, these statues were restored, not by Alexander, but by his successor Seleucus.—B. Sillig makes the following remark upon this passage—“Pliny here strangely confounds the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, made by Praxiteles, with other figures of those heroes of a much more ancient date, made by Antenor.” [1458] From σαυρὸς a “lizard,” and κτείνω, “to kill.” This statue is described by Martial, B. xiv. Ep. 172, entitled “Sauroctonos Corinthius.”—B. Many fine copies of it are still in existence, and Winckelmann is of opinion that the bronze at the Villa Albani is the original. There are others at the Villa Borghese and in the Vatican. [1459] In her worthless favours, probably. Praxiteles was a great admirer of Phryne, and inscribed on the base of this statue an Epigram of Simonides, preserved in the Greek Anthology, B. iv. Ep. 12. She was also said to have been the model of his Cnidian Venus. [1460] This artist is mentioned also by Cicero, Pausanias, Propertius, and Ovid, the two latter especially remarking the excellence of his horses.—B. See B. xxxiii. c. 55. [1461] The mother of Hercules.—B. [1462] See B. xxxvi. c. 4. Having now given an account of the artists most distinguished for their genius, Pliny proceeds to make some remarks upon those who were less famous, in alphabetical order.—B. [1463] The “highly approved.” [1464] Or “Lioness.” See B. vii. c. 23. [1465] The reading is doubtful here. “Iphicrates” and “Tisicrates” are other readings. [1466] The same story is related by Athenæus, B. xiii., and by Pausanias.—B. [1467] Pisistratus and his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus. [1468] A lioness. [1469] She having bitten off her tongue, that she might not confess. [1470] Hardouin has offered a plausible conjecture, that for the word “Seleucum,” we should read “Salutem,” as implying that the two statues executed by Bryaxis were those of Æsculapius and the Goddess of Health.—B. [1471] Already mentioned as a son of Lysippus. [1472] In the Eighth Region of the City. [1473] This reading appears preferable to “Cresilas,” though the latter is supported by the Bamberg MS. [1474] Ajasson quotes here the beautiful words of Virgil—“Et dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos”—“Remembers his lov’d Argos, as he dies.” [1475] Dalechamps supposes that Pericles was here represented in the act of addressing the people; Hardouin conceives that this statue received its title from the thunder of his eloquence in debate, or else from the mighty power which he wielded both in peace and war, or some of the other reasons which Plutarch mentions in the Life of Pericles.—B. [1476] It is doubtful to which of the artists of this name he alludes, the elder or the younger Cephisodotus, the son of Praxiteles. Sillig inclines to think the former—Dict. Ancient Artists. [1477] The “Deliverer.” [1478] The elder Canachus, probably. [1479] The “Lovely.” Brotero says that this is believed to be the Florentine Apollo of the present day. It stood in the Temple at Didymi, near Miletus, until the return of Xerxes from his expedition against Greece, when it was removed to Ecbatana, but was afterwards restored by Seleucus Nicator. [1480] See B. v. c. 31. [1481] “Alterno morsu calce digitisque retinentibus solum, ita vertebrato dente utrisque in partibus ut a repulsu per vices resiliat.” He seems to mean that the statue is so made as to be capable of standing either on the right fore foot and the left hind foot, or on the left fore foot and the right hind foot, the conformation of the under part of the foot being such as to fit into the base. [1482] The following are the words of the original: “Ita vertebrato dente utrisque in partibus.” I confess myself unable to comprehend them, nor do I think that they are satisfactorily explained by Hardouin’s comment.—B. [1483] The “Riders on horseback.” [1484] It is supposed by Sillig, Dict. Ancient Artists, that this is the same person as the Cresilas, Ctesilas, or Ctesilaüs, before mentioned in this Chapter, and that Pliny himself has committed a mistake in the name. [1485] A figure of a man “brandishing a spear.” See Note 1400 above. [1486] He is mentioned by Quintilian as being more attentive to exactness than to beauty; also by Diogenes Laertius, B. v. c. 85. Sillig supposes that he flourished in the time of Pericles. Pausanias, B. i., speaks of his Lysimache. [1487] The Athenians in their flattery, as we learn from Seneca, expressed a wish to affiance their Minerva Musica to Marc Antony. His reply was, that he would be happy to take her, but with one thousand talents by way of portion. [1488] He is mentioned by Xenophon, according to whom, he dedicated the brazen statue of a horse in the Eleusinium at Athens. He was probably an Athenian by birth. [1489] Son of Patroclus, who is previously mentioned as having lived in the 95th Olympiad. He was a native of Sicyon, and flourished about B.C.