220. The late Rev. S. S. Lewis, fellow and librarian of the College, who

most liberally had a fac-simile of the drawing made for me, would date it a little before 1250. (Rolls edition, by Luard, II. 144.) [170] _Rotuli Chartarum_, 1199-1216. Charter of confirmation, 1204 (5 Joh.) p. 117 b. [171] In the _Valor Ecclesiasticus_ of Henry VIII. its revenue is put at £100. [172] The commanderies of the Knights of St Lazarus were numerous in every province of France. For an enumeration of them see _Les Lepreux et les Chevaliers de Saint Lazare de Jerusalem et de Notre Dame et de Mont Carmel_. Par Eugene Vignat, Orleans, 1884, pp. 315-364. [173] _Joannis Sarisburiensis Opera omnia_, ed. Giles 1, 141 (letter to Josselin, bishop of Salisbury). [174] “Vix seu raro inveniuntur tot leprosi volentes vitam ducere observantiis obligatam ad dictum hospitale concurrentes.” Walsingham, _Gesta Abbatum_, Rolls ed. II. 484. [175] Matthew Paris, _Chron. Maj._ V. 452. [176] Walsingham, _Gesta Abbatum_, II. 401. [177] “The sisters of St James’s were bound by no vows, and at this period [1344] were not all, or even any of them, lepers; and in consequence a place in the hospital was much sought after by needy dependents of the Court.” Report on MSS. of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, in _Hist. MSS. Commission Reports_, IX. p. 87. [178] Dugdale’s _History of Warwickshire_, p. 197. [179] On Nov. 24, 1200, king John signed at Lincoln letters of simple protection to the _leprosi_ of St Bartholomew’s, Oxford (_Rot. Chart. 1199-1216_, p. 99). [180] _Rotuli Hundredorum_, II. 359-60. The famous Stourbridge Fair originally grew out of a right of market-toll granted in aid of the leper-hospital. [181] The decrees of the Third Lateran Council are given by several historians of the time, among others by William of Newburgh, pp. 206-223. [182] Roger of Howden, Rolls edition, II. 265. [183] William of Newburgh, Rolls edition, p. 437. [184] See the various charters and memorials in Surtees’ _History of Durham_. [185] Two of the larger houses for lepers not mentioned in the text were St Nicholas’s at Carlisle and the hospital at Bolton in Northumberland, each with thirteen beds. [186] By collecting every reference to lepers or lazar-houses in Tanner’s _Notitia Monastica_ or in Dugdale’s _Monasticon_ Sir J. Y. Simpson has made out a table of some hundred leper-houses in Britain (_Edin. Med. and Surg. Journ._ 1841 and 1842). Simpson’s table has been added to by Miss Lambert in the _Nineteenth Century_, Aug.-Sept. 1884, by the Rev. H. P. Wright (_Leprosy_ etc. 1885), who says at the end of his long list: “There were hundreds more,” and by Mr R. C. Hope (_The Leper in England_, Scarborough, 1891), whose list runs to 172. Perhaps the most remarkable development of that verbalist handling of the matter has been reserved for a recent medical writer, who has constructed, from the conventional list of leper-hospitals, a map of the _geographical distribution of leprosy_ in medieval Britain. (_British Medical Journal_, March 1, 1890, p. 466.) [187] The Lock was doubtless the house of the “Leprosi apud Bermondsey” who are designated in the Royal Charter of 1 Hen. IV. (1399) as recipients, along with the _leprosi_ of Westminster (St James’s), of “five or six thousand pounds.” (_Rotuli Chartarum_, 1 Hen. IV.) [188] Beckett, _Phil. Trans._, vol. 31, p. 60. [189] Stow, _Survey of London_, ed. of 1890, p. 437. [190] Beckett, _l. c._ The Knightsbridge house was earlier. See next note. [191] _Survey of London_, pop. ed. p. 436. Bequests to lepers occur in various wills of London citizens, in Dr Sharpe’s _Calendar of Wills_, vol. II. Lond. 1890. In a will dated 21 April, 1349, the bequest is to “the poor lazars without Southwerkebarre and at Hakeney” (p. 3). On 1 July, 1371, another bequeaths money to “the three colleges of lepers near London, viz. at _le loke_, at St Giles de Holbourne, and at Hakeney” (p. 147). On 7 April, 1396, bequests are made to “the lepers at le loke near Seynt Georges barre, of St Giles without Holbournebarre, and le meselcotes de Haconey” (p. 341). The “lazar house at Knyghtbrigge” appears, for the first time, in a will dated 21 Feb. 1485, along with “the sick people in the lazercotes next about London” (p. 589). [192] _Accounts of the Lord High-Treasurer of Scotland._ Rolls series I. 1473-1498, pp. 337, 356, 361, 378, 386. [193] These are all the so-called “medieval leper-hospitals” collected by Belcher (_Dubl. Quart. Journ. of Med. Sc._ 1868, August, p. 36) chiefly from Archdall’s _Monasticon Hibernicum_. He points out that the very early references to leprosy in the _Annals of the Four Masters_ included various kinds of cutaneous maladies. [194] _Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis._ Rolls series, 1886, p. 157. The chronicler has nothing farther to say as to the cause of the leprosy, than the opinion of “a certain philosopher,” that whatever turns us from health to the vices of disease acts by the weight of too much blood, by superfluous heat, by humours exuding in excess, or by the spirits flowing with unwonted laxity through silent passages. [195] Eadmer, _Vita S. Anselmi_, Rolls edit., p. 355. [196] Walsingham, _Gesta Abbatum_, Rolls edit. II. Appendix C. p. 503. [197] Brassac, Art. “Éléphantiasis,” in _Dict. Encycl. des Sc. Méd._ p. 475, says: “Il y avait aussi des vagabonds et des paresseux qui, sans nulle crainte de la contagion, et désireux de vivre sans rien faire, simulaient la lèpre pour être admis aux léproseries. On y trouvait encore des personnes qui s’imposaient une réclusion perpétuelle pour vivre avec les lépreux et faire leur salut par une vie de soumission aux règles de l’Église.” [198] The ordinance is translated in full from the City archives by H. T. Riley, _London in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries_, pp. 230-231. The following is the preamble of it:-- “Edward, by the grace of God, etc. Forasmuch as we have been given to understand that many persons, as well of the city aforesaid as others coming to the said city, being smitten with the blemish of leprosy, do publicly dwell among the other citizens and sound persons, and there continually abide and do not hesitate to communicate with them, as well in public places as in private; and that some of them, endeavouring to contaminate others with that abominable blemish (that so, to their own wretched solace, they may have the more fellows in suffering,) as well in the way of mutual communications, and by the contagion of their polluted breath, as by carnal intercourse with women in stews and other secret places, detestably frequenting the same, do so taint persons who are sound, both male and female, to the great injury of the people dwelling in the city aforesaid, and the manifest peril of other persons to the same city resorting:--We” etc. [199] Riley, p. 384. [200] _Dialogue of the Fever Pestilence._ Early Eng. Text Soc. [201] Riley, p. 365. [202] Rymer’s _Foedera_, v. pt. 2, p. 166. [203] Wharton’s _Anglia Sacra_, 11. Praef. p. 32. [204] The expression “leprosa Sodomorum” occurs in a Latin poem from a medieval MS. found in Switzerland. The verses are printed in full by Hensler, _Geschichte der Lustseuche_, p. 307. [205] These and other particulars relating to lepers in Scotland are given in Simpson’s _Antiquarian Notices of Leprosy in Scotland and England_ (_Edin. Med. and Surg. Journ._ Oct. 1841, Jan. and April 1842), a series of excellent papers which have been for many years the source of most that has been written of medieval leprosy in this country. [206] Letter to Barrington, 8 January, 1778. [207] These numbers seem to stand for the contents of the larders in all the various manors of De Spenser. [208] Mr Jonathan Hutchinson has been adding, year after year, to the evidence that semi-putrid fish, eaten in that state by preference or of necessity, is the chief cause of modern leprosy, and he has successfully met many of the apparent exceptions. Norway has had leprosy in some provinces for centuries; and it is significant that William of Malmesbury, referring to those who went on the first Crusade, says: “Scotus familiaritatem pulicum reliquit, Noricus cruditatem piscium.” (_Gesta Regum_, Eng. Hist. Soc. II. 533.) [209] In his section _De preservatione a lepra_ (p. 345) Gilbert advises to avoid, among other things, all salted fish and meat, and dried bacon. [210] Acts of Robert III. in the _Regiam Majestatem_, p. 414 (quoted by Simpson, _Ed. Med. and Surg. Journ._ vol. 57, p. 416). [211] Dr Gilbert Skene, of Aberdeen, and afterwards of Edinburgh, in his book on the plague (1568), has an incidental remark about “evil and corrupt meats” which may be taken in a literal sense: “As we see dailie the pure man subject to sic calamitie nor the potent, quha are constrynit be povertie to eit evill and corrupte meittis, and diseis is contractit, heir of us callit pandemiall.” (Bannatyne Club edition, p. 6.) [212] Higden’s _Polychronicon_. Edited for the Rolls series by Babington and Lumby, vol. VIII. [213] _The Annals of Ireland._ By Friar John Clyn, of the Convent of Friars Minor, Kilkenny, and Thady Dowling, Chancellor of Leighlin. Edited from the MSS. etc. by R. Butler, Dean of Clonmacnois. Dublin, 1849 (Irish Archæological Society). The last entry by Clyn himself appears to be the words “magna karistia” etc., under 1349. There is added “Videtur quod author hic obiit;” and then two entries of pestilence made in 1375 in another hand. [214] Henricus de Knighton, _Chronicon Angliae_, in Twysden’s _Decem Script. Angl._ col. 2598 _et seq._ An edition of Knighton’s _Chronicle_, by Lumby, is in progress for the Rolls series. [215] _Chronicle of Geoffrey le Baker._ Edited by E. Maunde Thompson, Oxford, 1889. [216] Robertus de Avesbury, _Historia de Mirabilibus Gestis Regis Ed. III._, Oxon. 1720. Also in the Rolls series. Edited by E. Maunde Thompson. [217] _Eulogium Historiarum._ Rolls series, No. 9. Edited by Haydon, III. 213. [218] _Itineraria Symonis Simeonis et Willelmi de Worcestre._ Edited by Nasmith from the MSS. in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Cantab. 1778, p. 113: “parum ante nativitatem Domini intravit villam Bodminiae, ubi mortui fuerunt circa mille quingentos per estimacionem.” [219] Histor. MSS. Commission, vi. 475. [220] Wilkins, _Concilia_ II. 745: “Contagium pestilentiae moderni temporis undique se dilatans etc.” [221] Rymer’s _Foedera_, V. 655:--“Quia tamen subita plaga Pestilentiae Mortalis in loco praedicto et aliis partibus circumvicinis adeo indies invalescit, quod de securo accessu Hominum ad locum illum formidatur admodum hiis diebus.” [222] _Ibid._--“Et quia dicta Pestilentia Mortalis in dicto loco Westmonasteriensi ac in civitate Londoniae, ac alis locis circumvicinis, gravius solito invalescit (quod dolenter referimus) per quod accessus Magnatum et aliorum nostrorum Fidelium ad dictum locum nimis periculosus foret,” &c. This second prorogation was _sine die_. [223] _Calendar of Wills_ (Husting Court, London), ed. Sharpe, Lond. 1889, I. 506-624. [224] Clyn. But his account for Kilkenny, where he lived, makes the epidemic either earlier or later there than at Dublin: “Ista pestilencia apud Kilkenniam in XL{a} invaluit; nam VIto die Marcii viii fratres predicatores infra diem Natalem obierunt,” the Lent referred to being either that of 1349 or of 1350. The difficulty about assigning the landing of the infection near Dublin in the beginning of August to the year 1348 is that the English importation had only then taken place. But of course Ireland may have got it direct from abroad. [225] _Op. cit._ p. 98: “Torserunt illos apostemata e diversis partibus corporis subito irrumpencia, tam dura et sicca quod ab illis decisis vix liquor emanavit; a quibus multi per incisionem aut per longam pacienciam evaserunt. Alii habuerunt pustulos parvos nigros per totam corporis cutem conspersos, a quibus paucissimi, immo vix aliquis, vitæ et sanitati resilierunt.” [226] “Nam multi ex anthrace et ex apostematibus, et pustulis quae creverunt in tibiis et sub asellis, alii ex passione capitis, et quasi in frenesim versi, alii spuendo sanguinem, moriebantur,” p. 36. [227] _A Treatise faithfully and plainely declaring the way of preventing, preserving from and curing that most fearfull I and contagious disease called the Plague. With the Pestilential Feaver and other the fearful symptomes and accidents incident thereto._ By John Woodall, surgeon to St Bartholomew’s Hospital, &c. London, 1639. [228] Robertus de Avesbury, Rolls ed., p. 177. [229] _Eulogium Historiarum._ Rolls ser. No. 9, III. 213. [230] Rymer’s _Foedera_, V. 668. [231] “Pro quorum defectu [referring to the fugitive villeins] mulieres et parvuli invise missi sunt ad carucas et ad plaustra fuganda.” _Eulogium._ Rolls ed. III. 214. [232] Nichols, _History Of Leicestershire_, I. 534. [233] Nichols, _l. c._ [234] For a series of years the burials in the St Martin’s register are as follow: 1610 82 1611 128 1612 39 1613 25 1614 34 1615 60 1616 41 1617 31 1618 37 1619 28 1620 25 1621 43 1622 27 1623 37 1624 24. [235] _History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford._ Ed. Gutch I.