198. Mr Rendle, in one place, seems to imply disapproval of this mode of

coffinless burial; but in another (p. 225, note) he says it was “a sort of forecast of Mr Seymour Haden’s wise proposals.” His first thoughts appear to have been the best. [642] Sermon on Third Sunday in Advent, 1552. [643] Stow’s _Memoranda_. Camden Society, N. S. XXVIII., 1880, p. 125. [644] Stow, _Annales_, p. 662. [645] _Cal. State Papers._ [646] _Cat. Cecil MSS._ [647] On July 15, 1570, the Duke of Norfolk craved his release from the Tower, on account of the great risk to his bodily health and the infection of the pestilence in that part of the city. (_Calendar of Cecil MSS._) [648] _Report Hist. MSS. Commis._ [649] Anthony Wood, _op. cit._ [650] _Remembrancia_, p. 38. [651] Turnor’s _History of Hertford_, pp. 236, 268. [652] _The Loseley Manuscripts_, ed. Kempe. London, 1836, p. 280. [653] Holinshed, III. p. 1240. [654] Letter to Cecil, _Cal. Cecil MSS._, II. 106 (under the year 1575). [655] Corporation records, in _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 524. [656] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 390. [657] Ormerod’s _Hist. of Cheshire_, I. Harl. MS. 2177 (a death from plague, 3 Nov. 1574). [658] _Cal. Cecil MSS._, II. 107:--For the week ending 9 September, 1575, in St Margaret’s, 25 deaths (of plague 13), St Martin’s 3 of plague, Savoy, none, St Clement’s 3 (2 of plague). [659] Cecil to Earl of Lincoln. _Ibid._ 10 September, 1575. [660] _The Maire of Bristowe, is Kalendar._ Camden Soc. 1872, p. 59. [661] Wells corporation MSS., _Hist. MSS. Com._, I. 107. [662] Owen and Blakeway. [663] _Calendar of State Papers_, Domestic, 1591-94, p. 269. [664] Tickell’s _Hist. of Kingston upon Hull_, 1798. [665] Records of the Burgh of Kirkcudbright. _Hist. MSS. Commiss._, IV. 539. [666] _Remembrancia_, p. 333 (27 Nov. and 6 Dec. 1582). [667] By permission of the Marquis of Salisbury. The contents of this small volume have not been included in the published Calendar of the Cecil MSS. [668] ‘A sermon preached at Powles Crosse on Sunday, the third of November, 1577, in the time of the Plague’ by T. W. London, 1578 (February 20). [669] Strype’s ed. of Stow’s _Survey_, Bk. IV. p. 34. Nonsuch was near Epsom. [670] _Remembrancia of the City of London_, p. 331. [671] _Calendar of Cecil MSS._, Part II. under the dates. [672] Turnor’s _Hist. of Hertford_, p. 236. [673] _Cal. Cecil MSS._ [674] Blomefield, vol. III. (“Norwich,” under the date). [675] _Ibid._ “Yarmouth.” [676] Morant’s _Hist, of Essex_, I. 50. [677] _Hist. MSS. Commission_, IX. 277 b. [678] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, II. 524. [679] _Cal. State Papers._ [680] Nichols, _Hist. of Leicestershire_. [681] _Cal. S. P._ [682] _Cal. State Papers._ Eliz. 1581-90 (Lemon), pp. 45, 70. [683] Graunt’s _Reflections on Bills of Mortality_. 3rd ed., Lond. 1665, p. 135. [684] _Hist. MSS. Com._ [685] Saunders, _Hist. of Boston_, p. 228. [686] Duke of Rutland’s MSS. _Hist. MSS. Com._, May 24, 1586. [687] Saunders, _l. c._ [688] _Notes and Queries_, 2nd series, XI. 497. [689] Blomefield’s _Norfolk_. [690] _Ibid._ and Gawdy MSS. _Hist. MSS. Com._ [691] Glover’s _Hist. of Derby_, p. 613. [692] _Archaeologia_, VI. 80. [693] Townsend’s _Hist. of Leominster_, p. 59. [694] Sykes, _Local Records of Northumberland and Durham_, p. 80. [695] _Cal. S. P._, Domestic, Eliz. ed. Lemon. [696] Corporation MSS. of Plymouth. _Hist. MSS. Com._ X. pt. 4, p. 539. [697] _Notes and Queries_, 6th series, III. 477. [698] Dunsford’s _Historical Memoirs of Tiverton_, p. 38. [699] _Bill of Mortality for the week ending October 20, 1603._ Broadside in Guildhall Library, with summary, on margin, of the mortalities in 1563 and 1592-93. [700] _Cal. State Papers_, 1591-94, p. 312. [701] _Ibid._ p. 340. [702] _Ibid._ 1595-97, p. 45, May 26, 1595: “Arguments in proof of the advantages to be derived by the City of London from stopping up the town ditch:--It is the origin of infection, and the only noisome place in the city. In the last great plague, more died about there than in three parishes besides; these fields are the chiefest walks for recreation of the cityzens, and though the ditch were cast every second year, yet the water coming from the kennel and slaughter-houses will be very contagious. It is no material defence for the city, and half the ditch has been stopped these many years.” [703] _London’s Remembrancer_, by John Bell, Clerk of the Company of Parish Clerks. London, 1665. He says: “I shall begin with the year 1593, being the first year in which any account of the christenings and burials was kept. I cannot find any record of more antiquity than that of this year in the Company of Parish Clerks Hall.” However we can now point to original weekly bills of mortality of 1532 and 1535, to abstracts of weekly plague-burials in 1563-66, to the figures from one weekly bill of a series in 1574, and to abstracts of 1578-83. [704] The total of 25,886 was copied, probably from the broadside of 1603, into an anonymous essay of 1665, called _Reflections on the Bills of Mortality_, the total of plague alone being given as 11,503, evidently by a misprint for 15,003. At the same time a table was given, professing to be of the weekly deaths from all causes, in one column, and from plague in another, from March 13 to December 18, 1593. The column of plague-deaths sums up to 11,110, but the total of 11,503 (which originated in a misprint) is printed at the foot of the column as if that were the summation. The column of deaths from all causes is made to sum up to 25,886, the actual sum being 25,817. But the weekly mortalities in it for those weeks that had little plague are an absurdity for 1593. Whatever the source of this table, it is not genuine for 1593, and was disclaimed by Bell, the clerk of Parish Clerks’ Hall, whose essay was written in 1665 to correct that and other errors about former plagues in London. [705] _Cal. State Papers._ Addenda. Elizabeth. [706] Cussan’s _Hist. of Hertfordshire_. [707] Turner’s _Hist. of Hertford_, p. 268. [708] Glover’s _Hist. of Derby_, p. 613. [709] Harwood’s _Hist. of Lichfield_, p. 304. [710] Nichols, _Leicestershire_ (Town records of Leicester); Kelly, in _Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc._ VI. (1877), p. 391 (at least 20 houses shut up). [711] Owen and Blakeway. [712] Parish registers in Townsend’s _Leominster_, p. 59. [713] Corporation MSS. Canterbury, in 9th Report of _Hist. MSS. Commission_, pp. 159 a, 160 a, b. “This plague continued from the end of September to the month of January.” [714] Parish Register of Penrith: “A sore plage was in London, Nottinghome, Derbie and Lincolne in the year 1593” (Jefferson’s _Cumberland_, I. 19). [715] _Cal. Stale Papers._ Addenda. Elizabeth. [716] Syer’s _Memorials of Bristol_. The excessive mortality at Leominster (41 burials in September, 1597) may have been an effect of the famine. (Townsend’s _History_, p. 59.) [717] _Cal. State Papers_, Domestic, 1597, § 10, p. 347. [718] _Cal. State Papers_, Domestic, 1597, p. 501. [719] Sykes, _Local Records_, p. 82. [720] Clarkson’s _Hist. of Richmond_. [721] Camden’s _Britannia_, p. 175. [722] Jefferson’s _Cumberland_, I. 273. But these are the same figures as for Penrith. [723] _Ibid._ I. 391. [724] Parish register of Penrith, in Jefferson, _l. c._ [725] _Notes and Queries._ 6th series, II. 524. [726] _Exchequer Rolls of Scotland_, X. 594. Edin. 1887. [727] _Burgh Records of Aberdeen_ (Spalding Club), I. 66. [728] _Exchequer Rolls Scot._, XI. p. lxviii. [729] _Ibid._ [730] _Burgh Records_, pp. 88, 90, 130, 165. [731] _Register of the Privy Council, Scotland_, I. 5. [732] _Cal. S. P._ Scot. (Thorpe). [733] _Burgh Records_, pp. 222, 231, 244, 246. [734] _Cal. S. P._ Scot. 18 Nov. 1548. The Rhinegrave recovered, and came to Edinburgh on the 26th. [735] _Reg. P. C. Scot._ I. 279-81. [736] _Ibid._ I. 281-2. [737] _Ane Breve Description of the Pest_, Edin. 1568. Reprinted, for the Bannatyne Club, by James Skene of Rubislaw. Edin. 1840. [738] _Diurnall of Occurrences_, in Chambers. [739] Cited by R. Chambers (_Domestic Annals of Scotland_, I.) from M. Napier’s notes to the Spottiswoode Club edition of Spottiswoode’s History. [740] _Op. cit._ I. 53. [741] _Burgh Records of Canongate._ Maitland Club, Miscellany, II. 313 (in Chambers). [742] Chambers, I. 94. [743] _Burgh Records of Glasgow, 1573-1581._ Maitland Club, p. 27. [744] _Reg. P. C. Scot._, II. 415. [745] _Ibid._ p. 419. [746] _Hist. MSS. Com._, IV. 539. [747] _Reg. Scots P. C._, III. 229. [748] _Ibid._ [749] _Ibid._ III. 679. [750] _Reg. Scots P. C._ s. d. [751] _Chronicle of Perth_, Bannatyne Club, p. 4, and Chambers, I. 154. [752] _Reg. Scots P. C._, III. 727. [753] Calderwood’s _Hist. of Kirk of Scotland_, IV. 366: “It was first known to be in Simon Mercerbank’s house.” Birell’s _Diary_ (1532-1605) in Chambers, I. 157. [754] _Scots P. C._, III. 746. [755] _Ibid._ V. 56. [756] Moysie, in Chambers, I. 157. [757] _The Diary of Mr James Melville, 1556-1601._ Bannatyne Club. Edin. 1829, p. 153. [758] Marioreybank’s _Annals_, in Chambers. [759] Melville’s _Diary_, p. 162. [760] Melville, p. 173; Calderwood, cited by Chambers; _Cal. Cecil Papers_, III. 298, 310. [761] _Cal. Cecil Papers_, III. 321. [762] _Memorabilia of Glasgow_, in Chambers. [763] _Scots Privy Council._ [764] Birell, in Chambers. [765] _Scots P. C._ [766] Calderwood, V. 655. [767] Two men sent to buy nolt in Galloway for the needs of the borough of Dumfries were stopped, with 38 head of cattle, by the provost and others of Wigton, at the Water of Crie, the cattle being impounded at Wigton for eight days so that they became lean. A hundred merks compensation was demanded. _Scots Privy Council_, V. [768] _Scots P. C._, VI. 164. [769] _Aberdeen Kirk Session Records_, Spalding Club, 1846, Calderwood (cited by Chambers, I. 319) says that the year 1600 was one of famine, and that there was also a great death of young children, six or seven being buried in Edinburgh in a day. [770] _Scots Privy Council_, VI. under the respective dates. [771] _Burgh Records._ [772] Smith’s _Cork_, II. 34. [773] _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic. [774] Smith’s _Cork_, on the authority of MS. annals. [775] _Annals of Loch Cé._ Rolls ed., II. 289. [776] Brabazon to T. Cromwell. _Cal. State Papers._ Irish. [777] _Cal. State Papers._ Irish, 1566-7. [778] _State Papers_ (Record Office), Irish, 1567, No. 54. Letter from Lord Treasurer Winchester and Ed. Baeshe, to the Lord Deputy. Mr Froude’s summary of it is that “the clammy vapour had stolen into their lungs and poisoned them,” and again, “the reeking vapour of the charnel house.” I have had difficulty in deciphering the letter, but I can make out “being a graveyard where all their buriall,” etc. [779] _Cal. State Papers._ Irish. [780] Thady Dowling, p. 41. [781] _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic. Sept. 1, 1575. [782] Stubbs, in his edition of Roger of Howden (Rolls series, No. 51, II. 249), on the evidence of the Pipe Roll of 1166. [783] _Memorials of London in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries_, ed. Riley. [784] Stow’s _Survey of London_, pop. ed. (1890), p. 66. [785] Hall’s _Chronicle_, ed. of 1809, p. 632. [786] This account of the Black Assizes at Oxford in 1577 was brought to light, like so many other things from the register of Merton, first by Anthony Wood in his _Hist. and Antiq. of the Univ. of Oxford_ (ed. Gutch, II. 189). It was copied in full, from the original Latin text, in 1758, by John Ward, LL.D., and sent to the Royal Society, in whose _Phil. Trans._ (vol. L. p. 699) it is printed, with remarks, by Tho. Birch, D.D., Sec. R. S. [787] Howard, _The State of the Prisons in England and Wales_. 3rd ed., Warrington, 1784, p. 342. [788] _Hist, and Antiq. Univ. Oxford_, ed. Gutch, II. 188-192. [789] Georgius Edrichus, ‘In Libros aliquot pauli Aeginetae Hypomnemata quaedam.’ Londini apud Tomam East 1588 (without pagination). [790] The passage which Anthony Wood thought to relate to the gaol fever at Oxford in 1577 is the following, under the heading “De morbis publicé grassantibus:” “Publice grassari morbos vidimus Oxonii, et una nocte simul plus sexaginta agrotasse (_sic_) novimus, et in vicinis postridie pagis, eo forte aëre delato, fere centum. Quod etiam eodem tempore, regnante tum Edwardo sexto, Cantabrigiae evenit, cum duo simul liberi ducis inclyti Suffolchiae ibi morerentur. Nec tamen Oxonienses ulli fere interierunt, quod coeli constitutio apud nos quam ibi salubrior sit. Sed iis ita succurrendum morbis putamus, ut Brittanico sudore (sic enim vocant) opitulari solemus.” [791] Anthony Wood, as we have seen in the text, put together his version of the fever of 1577 from the Merton College register, from Stow’s _Annals_, and from Ethredge’s reference to the sweat of 1551. In 1758, John Ward, LL.D., copied the passage in the Merton register and sent it to the Royal Society; whose secretary, the Rev. Dr Thomas Birch, appended to it in the _Philosophical Transactions_ some annotations--“copying,” as Carlyle said of him with reference to some Cromwell matter, “from Wood’s _Athenae_; and has committed--as who does not?--several errors,” his annotations being “sedulous but ineffectual”--to the extent of fixing on the original correct narrative an accretion of mistakes (600 for 60, sweating sickness for gaol fever, &c.). Trusting to the respectable Birch, Bancroft in his _Essay on the Yellow Fever, with observations concerning febrile contagion &c._ (Lond., 1811) has based a theory that the Oxford epidemic was not typhus at all. Murchison (_Continued Fevers of Great Britain_, 2nd ed. 1873, p. 103) has also been misled, and has found himself therefore at a disadvantage in answering Bancroft’s empty verbalisms about the invariable reproduction of typhus from some previous case. F. C. Webb, in a paper “An Historical Account of the Gaol Fever,” _Trans. Epidem. Soc._ for 1857, p. 63, has not used the Oxford case for any argumentative purpose, but he has, like the others, given the facts erroneously. He gives no particulars of the Exeter Black Assize. [792] Howard, _On Lazarettos in Europe_, &c. Warrington, 1789, p. 231: “But as I have found, in some prisons abroad, cells and dungeons as offensive and dirty as any I have observed in this country, where however the distemper was unknown, I am obliged to look out for some additional cause of its production. I am of opinion that the sudden change of _diet_ and lodging so affects the _spirits_ of _new_ convicts that the general causes of putrid fever exert an immediate effect upon them. Hence it is common to see them sicken and die in a short time with very little apparent illness.” The last words are important. [793] _Sylva Sylvarum, or A Natural History._ In ten centuries. Cent. 10, §§ 914-15. Spedding’s ed. II. 646. [794] Holinshed’s _Chronicle_. New edition by Hoker, London, 1587, pp. 1547-8. [795] These statements by Hoker, chamberlain of Exeter, are sufficiently circumstantial; but they do not quite suit the theory of a writer in the _Dict. Nat. Biog._, under “Drake, Sir Bernard” that the ship was “a great Portugal ship,” called the Lion of Viana, with an English master, taken by Bernard Drake in Brittany. No doubt such a capture is stated in the _Cal. State Papers_, 1585, p. 295 (the reference given), Sir W. Raleigh’s ship the “Jobe” being included in the same petition; but nothing is said of Dartmouth as the port to which the two vessels were brought, or of Exeter as the place where their captains were imprisoned. It is of importance for the theory of the Exeter gaol fever to know whether Drake’s prisoners were Portuguese fishermen or not, and Hoker may be supposed to have known. [796] The author of the misadventure. He succeeded in getting home to Crediton, where he died on the 12th April, four weeks after the Assizes began. [797] Sir George Nicholls, in his _History of the English Poor Law_, 1854, I. 113, threw out the suggestion that the decay was in the old walled towns, and that it was compensated by the rise of populations on less hampered sites. This theory has been adopted by some later writers. [798] _Calendar of State Papers._ Domestic, Hen. VIII. [799] Becon’s _Works_, 3 vols. II. fol. 15-16. [800] Continuation of Fabyan’s _Chronicle_. [801] Greyfriars _Chronicle_, Camden Soc. LIII., 1852. Preface by J. G. Nichols, xxiv. [802] Strype’s ed. of Stow’s _Survey of London_. [803] In the Rolls of the Middlesex Sessions (Middlesex Record Society), there occur numerous entries of inquests on deaths in the gaol of Newgate from the 25th year of Elizabeth: a few of these are from plague; but by far the larger number are from “the pining sickness,” a malady which sometimes cut off several prisoners in the same few days and after a brief illness. In one of these epidemics (Dec. 1586-Feb. 1587), a single case is called “pestilent fever,” the other seven being “pining sickness.” Next year, June 19, there is a case of bloody flux, and, on June 24, a case of “pining sickness.” The other periods when the disease so named was epidemic in Newgate were Feb.-May, 1595, June and July, 1597, March, 1598, and March-April, 1602. The pining sickness was probably a generic term, and may have included chronic disease; there is a solitary case entered as ailing for as long a period as eight months, the usual duration of the sickness being one, two, or three days up to three or four weeks. This place will serve to notice the strange teaching about “parish infection” which has received currency among the writers of good repute as authorities. Guy (_Public Health_, Lectures, 1870, I. 23) says the gaol distemper was an old offender known as the _sickness of the house_: “I think I recognize it in the London Bills from 1606 to 1665 as the _Parish Infection_.” The column of figures in the London Bills which has been taken to show the weekly prevalence of a disease, otherwise unheard of, “parish infection,” really shows the number of “parishes infected.” The earlier bills showed, in the corresponding column, the number of parishes clear (“parish.clere” or “paroch.clere”). By adding up the number of parishes infected in each of the 52 weeks of a bad plague-year, a total of some thousands is got, and that total has been taken to be the annual mortality from “parish infection”--a pure myth. The original author of this singular mistake appears to have been Marshall, in his _Mortality of the Metropolis_, London, 1832, p. 67. Of the “parish infection,” he says: “The disease below is specified by Mr Bell in his _Remembrancer_ [1665]; it is probably the same as exhibited under the name of spotted fever.” What Bell “specifies” is not another disease, but the number of parishes in the City and suburbs infected with the plague in each week of the year. [804] _Annales Monastici_, Rolls series, No. 19. Chronicle by an unknown author (St Albans) temp. Hen. VI., 1422-31:--“Quaedam infirmitas reumigata invasit totum populum, quae _mure_ dicitur: et sic senes cum junioribus inficiebat quod magnum numerum ad funus letale deducebat.” In the Report of the Irish Local Government Board, Medical Department, 1890, influenza is identified under the name “slaedan,” or prostration, which was epidemic in Ireland in 1326 or 1328, the same epidemic being called “murre” in the _Annals of Clonmacnoise_. The use of the word “mure” in the St Albans Chronicle is just a century later. Murrain (or _morena_ in Latin chronicles) is probably the modern survival of “mure” or “murre.” [805] I take this summary from Short (_Chronology_, etc. I. 204), who omits his authority, probably the foreign writers to whom he is usually indebted in the earlier period. The first part of Theophilus Thompson’s _Annals of Influenza_ (Sydenham Society) is little else than extracts from Short, and therefore of foreign origin. [806] _Cal. State Papers._ Domestic, _sub dato_. [807] Thus in the continuation of Fabyan’s Chronicle under the year 1512, the Marquis of Dorset, sent into Spain with 10,000 men, is said to have “returned in winter by reason of the flix (dysentery).” And in Hall’s _Chronicle_ (ed. of 1807, p. 523), we have particulars of the very serious sickness in his army in Biscay; owing to their diet being largely of garlic and fruits, and their drink being hot wines in hot weather, “there fell sick 3000 of the flix, and thereof died 1800 men.” [808] Continuator of Fabyan’s _Chronicle_, sub anno. There is an almost identical entry in _A London Chronicle of Henry VII. and Henry VIII._ (Camden Miscellany, vol. V. 1859), but under the year 1539, in a hot and dry summer. The most discrepant date and designation of the epidemic of those years are those given in Hardiman’s _History of Galway_ (p. 40): “This charitable institution [St Bridget’s Hospital] was fortunately completed in the year 1543, when the sweating sickness broke out, and raged with great violence, destroying multitudes of the natives, and particularly the tradesmen of the town.” [809] The term “hot ague” occurs as early as 1518, in a letter of 18 July (_Cal. State Papers_). [810] Wriothesley, _A Chronicle of England during the reigns of the Tudors_ (1457-1559). Camden Society, II. 139. Anthony Wood also enters for Oxford, under 1557, “A pestilential disease to the settling of some and the driving away of many; the causes of which proceeding from the eating of green fruit, the Commissary commanded that none should be sold in the market or elsewhere in Oxford.” [811] Fabyan’s _Chronicle_, p. 711. [812] Stow’s _Annales_, ed. Howse, p. 631. Speed also has a paragraph, unusual with him, on the state of health in the year of Queen Mary’s death (1658), in which the mortality among the clergy is specially mentioned. [813] Extracts from Harrison’s MS. _Chronologie_ by Furnivall, in Appendix to _Elizabethan England_. Camelot series, 1890, p. 267. His famine prices, and the enormous fall of them after harvest, are the same as given by Stow. [814] _State Papers_, Record Office. [815] John Jones, M.D. _The Dyall of Ague_, London, 1564? [816] _Calendar of State Papers._ Foreign, II. 1558, p. 398. [817] _Calendar of State Papers._ Foreign, II. 1558, p. 400. [818] _New Observations, Natural, Moral, Civil, Political and Medical, on City, Town and Country Bills of Mortality._ By Thomas Short, M.D., London, 1750. [819] 2 vols. London, 1749. [820] _Calendar of Cecil MSS._, II. 525. [821] _Phil. Trans._ XVIII. 105 [822] Graunt, _Reflections on the Bills of Mortality_, 3rd ed. 1665. [823] _Opera_, ed. Greenhill, p. 160. [824] _Ibid._ p. 169. [825] Giraldus Cambrensis, Rolls series, No. 21, vol. V. _Topogr. Hiberniae_, p. 67:--“Advenarum, tamen, una his fere est passio et unica vexatio. Ob humida namque nutrimenta, immoderatum ventris fluxum vix in primis ullus evadit.” Flux among the English troops in Ireland in 1172 is mentioned by Radulphus de Diceto, _Imag. Histor._ I. 348. [826] _Works of James I._, p. 301. [827] _Sloane MS._ (Brit. Mus.) No. 389, folios 147-153. It bears no date, but is marked in the catalogue “xv and xvi cent.,” as if belonging either to the end of the fifteenth century or the beginning of the sixteenth. [828] Hensler, who reproduced in 1783 (_Geschichte der Lustseuche_, App. p. 53) these and other particulars from one of the two remaining copies of Pinctor’s work (in the possession of Professor Cotunni of Naples), collated with the other copy in the Garelli library at Vienna, finds in the concluding dedication of the book to Alexander Borgia a sinister meaning, as if the supreme pontiff had been himself a victim of the _grande maladie à la mode_; it is easier, he says, to extricate the sense than the syntax of the passage. [829] There was another edition in 1539, and several more following. Paynel also added a short section, “A Remedy for the Frenche pockes,” to his book entitled, _A Moche Profitable Treatise against the Pestilence_. Translated into English by Thomas Paynel, chanon of Martin [Merton] Abbey, London, 1534. [830] _Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen, 1398-1570._ Edited for the Spalding Club [by Dr John Stuart], vol. I. 1844, p. 425. [831] _Phil. Trans._, vol. 42 (1743), p. 420: “Part of a Letter from Mr Macky, professor of History, to Mr Mac Laurin, professor of Mathematics in the University of Edinburgh, and by him communicated to the President of the Royal Society; being an Extract from the Books of the Town Council of Edinburgh, relating to a Disease there, supposed to be Venereal, in the year 1497.” [832] Simpson (_l. c._) quotes the Proclamation from the original minute-book, almost in the above spelling; it is in Vol. I. of the _Town Council Records_, fol. 33-34, and is entitled in the rubric “Ane Grangore Act.” [833] “On Syphilis in Scotland in the Fifteenth Century,” _Trans. Epidem. Soc._ N. S. 1. (1862), p. 149. Two of the entries are published in the _Criminal Trials of Scotland_, 1. 117; the others were collected for Simpson by Mr Joseph Robertson from the High-Treasurer’s Accounts in the Register House, Edinburgh. These accounts have since been published in the Rolls series (vol. I. 356, 361, 378 (_bis_), 386). [834] _Op. cit._ I. 437. [835] _Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York._ Edited by Nicolas, London, 1830, p. 104. [836] Stow’s _Survey of London_, “Bridge Ward Without.” He ascribes these informations to “Robert Fabian,” both in the text and in the margin. The statement is certainly not made in Fabyan’s _Chronicle of England_ under the year 1506, or other year of the decade, nor is it indexed as occurring in some earlier connexion. [837] Bernard André’s Works. Rolls series, No. 10. [838] _Erasmi Epistolae_, folio. London, 1642, p. 1789 e. [839] Anthony Wood, _Hist. Univ. Oxford_, ed. Gutch, I. 514. Freind (_Hist. of Physic_, Pt. II. p. 345) says that the French pox is mentioned in the will of Colet, dean of St Paul’s, 1518. [840] _The Supplication of Beggers_ compyled by Symon Fyshe. Anno MCCCCCXXIIII. Lond. 1546. [841] _Parliamentary History_, I. 494. [842] Bullein’s _Dialogue of the Fever Pestilence, 1564_. Early English Text Society, Extra series, 1888, p. 122. [843] Bullein’s _Bulwarke of Defence against all Sicknes, Sornes, and Woundes_, etc., 1562, foll. 2, 68. [844] _Certain Works of Chirurgerie newly compiled and published by T. Gale._ London, 1563. [845] _Dyall of Agues_, cap. VIII. “Of the Pestilential fever, or plage, or boche.” [846] William Clowes, _A short and profitable Treatise touching the cure of the disease called (Morbus Gallicus) by unctions_, London, 1579. [847] ‘A Prooved Practice for all young Chirurgeons, concerning burning with gunpowder, and woundes made with Gunshot, Sword, Halbard, Pike, Launce or such other. Hereto is adjoyned a Treatise of the French or Spanish Pocks, written by John Almenar, a Spanish Phisician. Also a commodious collection of Aphorismes, both English and Latine, taken out of an old written coppy. Published for the benefit of his country by William Clowes, Maister in Chirurgery.’ New ed., 1591. [848] _A most excellent and compendious Method_, etc. London, 1588. [849] Read uses, among other terms, one that has played a great part in the modern pathology of syphilis. Among the points to be noticed are,--“if recent or old, if the ulcers or whelks be many, whether pustulous matter or _gummie_ substance appear.” [850] John Banister, ‘A needefull new and necessarie treatise of Chyrurgerie, briefly comprehending the generall and particular curation of ulcers ... drawen forth of sundrie worthy writers.... Hereunto is annexed certaine experimentes of mine owne invention.’ London, 1575. [851] Peter Lowe, _An easie, certaine and perfect method to cure and prevent the Spanish sicknes_, Lond. 1596. For an account of the book see _The Life and Works of Maister Peter Lowe_. By James Finlayson, M.D. Glasgow, 1889. [852] _A Treatise concerning the plague and the pox, discovering as well the means how to preserve from the danger of these infectious contagions, or how to cure those which are infected with either of them._ London, 1652. [853] Burnet (_History of his own Time_, I. 395-6, Oxford, 1823) retails a good deal of unsavoury gossip concerning the disease in noble and princely personages after the Restoration. [854] _Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality._ By Captain John Graunt, F.R.S. Preface dated from Birchin Lane, January, 1662. [855] The origin of syphilis from leprosy has been maintained in a modern work by Friedr. Alex. Simon, _Kritische Geschichte des Ursprungs, der Pathologie und Behandlung der Syphilis, Tochter und widerum Mutter des Aussatzes_. Hamburg, 1857-8. [856] Hirsch, _Geographical and Historical Pathology_ (Translated), II. 67, 68, 81. [857] In Hensler, p. 14, and Appendix, p. 11. [858] _Ibid._, App. p. 15. [859] In Hensler, Appendix, p. 66. [860] The rise of the pox in the Italian wars, with its dispersion over all Europe, comes into “The Smallpox, a Poem” by “Andrew Tripe, M.D.,” London, 1748: “Whip! thro’ both camps, halloo! it ran, Nor uninfected left a man ... Hence soon thro’ Italy it flew Veiled for a while from mortal view, When suddenly in various modes, It shone display’d in shankers, nodes, Swell’d groins, and pricking shins, and headaches And a long long long string of dread aches ... From thence with every sail unfurl’d It traversed almost all the world ... Until at length this Stygian fury Worked its foul way to our blest Drury, Where still Lord Paramount it reigns, Pregnant with sharp nocturnal pains,” etc. [861] I do not include among the good evidence the often quoted letter of Peter Martyr to a professor of Greek at Salamanca, under the date of “nonis Aprilis, 1488,” in which “morbus Gallicus” is used as well as the Spanish name “las bubas.” It seems to me certain that the date should be 1498, or something else than 1488, the correspondence having gone on until