introduction of inferior bread, 224 _note_

Rome, medieval epidemics at, 3, 10 Rouen, siege of, 222 Royston, fevers in 1625, 505, plague in 1625, 525, in 1665, 682 =Rye-corn=, spurred, 53, little grown in England, 64 St Albans, school of annalists, 37, burials at in 1247, 42, famine in 1315, 48, leper-hospitals at, 90, admission to ditto, 102, Black Death in the abbey, 131, pestilence in 1431, 225, plague in 1578, 347 St Andrews, plague at in 1585, 368, in 1605, 503, in 1647, 563 St Christopher, the French in, 618, yellow fever in 1648, 621, 633 St Domingo, English attempt on, 634-6 St Giles’s, Cripplegate, churchyard, 334, modes of burial, 335, populous parish, 472, the Great Plague in, 649 St Giles’s-in-the-Fields, leper-hospital of, 83, 88, Great Plague begins at, 656 St Johnstone, see Perth St Kilda, boat-cold, 274 St Olave’s parish, plague of 1603, 478, description of, 479 St Paul’s, churchyard, state of in 1582, 333, the charnel-house of, 334 St Sepulchre’s parish, plague of 1563 in, 306, churchyard of, 334 Salvetti, on the plague of 1625, 512, 519, describes a fast, 513 Sandwich, plague in 1609, 500, in 1635-37, 528, in 1665, 681, 688 =Sanitary Act=, the first, 324 Sayer, Dr H., treats plague at Oxford in 1645, 559 =Scavengers=, at Ipswich, 327, duties of at Exeter, 327, in London, 328 =Scurvy=, in voyages, 579, 581-5, 594-6, 599-609, among the French in Canada, 580, 597, in a coaster, 597, lime-juice for, 595, 601, 602-3, pericarditis in, 580 _note_ Scyllatius, Nicolas, on French pox at Barcelona in 1494, 434 =Searchers=, at Shrewsbury in 1539, 320 _note_, in London, 319, 321, oath taken by in St Mary-le-Bow, 322, at Colchester, 689 _note_ Seebohm, F., on mortality of Black Death among clergy, 134, ditto in manor of Winslow, 136, on remote effects of Black Death, 196 Shakespeare, John, fined, 327 Shakespeare, Wm., his business interfered with by plague, 495, dies in a sickly year, 536. See also titles of plays. =Shambles=, a nuisance in London, 216, 324, 325, 330, 487 Sheppey, plague, 348 Sherborne, plague in 1611, 501, in 1665, 681 Sherburn, leper-hospital at, 94 Short, Dr Thomas, his epidemiological works, 57 _note_, 404 Shrewsbury, privilege of lepers at, 99, new civic class after Black Death, 199, sweat of 1551, 259, plague at in 1525, 292, in 1536-7, 301, 302, in 1575, 340, in 1592-3, 357, in 1604, 499, in 1630, 527, in 1650, 564 Simpson, Sir James, on leprosy in Scotland, 106 _note_, on syphilis in Scotland, 418 Skeat, Dr, on the derivation of “measles”, 451 _note_ Skene, Dr Gilbert, on moles in plague-time, 173 _note_, on cadaveric cause of plague, 336, his book on plague (1568), 363-5 “=Slaedan=,” Irish name supposed of influenza, 398 _note_ =Slave-ships=, ordure of, 630 =Slave-trade=, early history of, 614-17, mortality of, 625-28 =Smallpox=, originally an Arabic subject, 439, in the Elephant War, 441, nature and affinities of, 442-4, in medieval compends, 446 and _note_, Gaddesden’s alleged case, 447-8, erroneously chronicled in 1366, 455, in England 16th cent., 456-62, case of in 1561, 459, in 17th cent., 463, Fracastori on, 467, among American Indians (immunity of English), 613, in Hispaniola, 615, type of in Africans, 627, in slave-ships 625, 627, confused with great pox, 436-7, 456, 464, 468 Somersetshire, Black Death in, 117, spotted fever in, 543 Southampton, plague in Venetian galley in 1519, 292, plague in 1625, 524, in 1665, 681 Southwell Abbey, plague in 1471, 230, in 1478, 232 Spanish Main, sickness of English ships off, 588, 591 Spanish Town, mortality at in 1655, 638-642 Sprat, Bishop, on “remedy” of the sweat, 243 Stamford, plague in 1574, 339, in 1580, 348, in 1602-3, 360, 496, in 1641, 545 Stapleton, Sir Ph., dies of plague at Calais, 546 Stepney, plague begins at in 1603, 477, 480, plague of 1625 in, 511 =Stews= suppressed, 420 Stirling, grandgore at in 1498, 418, plague at in 1606, 503 Stockport, plague, 498 Stoke (Newark), plague after siege, 560 Stoke Pogis, plague at in 1625, 520 “=Stop-gallant=,” “=Stop-knave=,” names of the sweat, 260, 262, 263 Stourbridge, leper-hospital, 93 Stratford, bread-carts, 215 _note_ Stratford-on-Avon, plague at, 309, nuisance at, 327 Swainsthorpe, plague in 1479, 232 =Sweat, the English=, 1st epidemic, 235-243, 2nd epidemic, 243-5, 3rd epidemic, 245-250, 4th epidemic, 250-255, 5th epidemic, 259-263, the epidemic of 1529 on the Continent, 256-259, supposed sweats in England after 1551, 264, 280, 403, 413 _note_, at Tiverton, 554, supposed sweat in Flanders in 1551, 264 _note_, supposed sweat in Ireland, 252 _note_, 400 _note_, antecedents of in 1485, 265, 270, 273, causes of (supposed) in London, 267, a disease of the well-to-do, 263, 268, extinction of, 279, favouring conditions of the outbreaks, 276-9, mortality from, 250, 251, 260-262, abroad, 257, symptoms of, 241, 246, 251, theory of, 273, treatment of, 242 =Sweat of Picardy=, 271 =Sweating= in influenza, 403, 554, in war-typhus, 554 =Syphilis=, probably included under _lepra_, 72-75, 434, 437. See also POX, THE FRENCH Talifoo, modern plague, 168 Tana, 144, 147 Taylor, John, “water-poet”, 512 =Texas fever=, 274 Thame, war-fever at, 548-9 Thayre, Th., see Phaer Thomson, Dr G., dissection of plague-body, 677 _Timon of Athens_, the pox described (Act IV. sc. 3), 428 Tittenhanger, Henry VIII. at, 254 Tiverton, plague at in 1591, 351, sickness in 1597, 411, war-typhus (“sweating sickness”) at in 1644, 552-5 =Tobacco= in plague-time, 674, 682 Torella, on origin of French pox, 434 Totness, plague at in 1590, 351, in 1647, 561 Tottenham, in plague of 1625, 518, 520 Tregony, plague at in 1595, 357 Tripe, Andrew, his poem on the pox, 432 _note_ Trumpington, plague in 1625, 525 Truro, decayed, 221, plague in 1578, 347 Tuke, Brian, on the sweat of 1528, 255 Turner, Mrs Anne, 487 _note_ Turner, Dr P., arsenic in plague, 487 Turner, of Boulogne, preaches against burials in the city, 336 Twyford, plague in 1603, 493 Tynemouth, plague during siege, 557 Uffculme, sweat at in 1551, 262 Valencia, cases of French pox at, 434-5 Vasco da Gama, scurvy in his ships, 579 Vatican, the French pox in the, 416 Vetlianka, modern plague at, 172 Vincent, Rev. Thomas, his experiences of the Great Plague, 648, 664, 670 Virgil, Polydore, on the sweat, 237, 240, on treatment of ditto, 242 Virginia, voyages to, 590, 609-612 Wales, pestilence in the marches of in 1234, 12, Giraldus on, 21, famine in 1189, 35, leper-law of, 106, Black Death in, 118, plague and fever in 1638, 541 Wallingford, after Black Death, 195, small pox, measles and plague, 291, plague at, 559 “=Wame-ill=,” Scots famine-sickness in 1438-9, 235 =Wands= carried in plague time, 314-5 Wells, Black Death in diocese of, 117, plague at in 1575, 340 West Indies, colonization of, 617 _et seq._ Whickham, plague, 501 White, Gilbert, on causes of leprosy, 110 Whitmore, H., on fever in 1651, 566, on fever and influenza in 1658-9, 572-4 =Whooping-cough=, or the kink, 459 Willan, Dr, 4, 440 William of Newburgh, story of plague at Annan, 11, famine-fever of 1196, 35, Durham leper-hospital, 94 Willis, Dr T., on the war typhus of 1643, 547, 549, on plague at Oxford &c., 559, on the fevers and (or) influenzas of 1657-8, 568-572 =Wills=, in Black Death, in London, 117-18, 186, in Lancashire, 138 _note_, in Colchester, 186; in London in 1361, 203, in 1368, 216 Wilton, sweat at 252 Winchester, plague at in 1603, 489, in 1625, 521 _note_, in 1666, 687, 691 Winslow, manor of, 136 Wisbech, plague at in 1586, 349 Wither, George, on plague of 1625, 512 Woburn, sweat at, 252 Wolsey, the sweat in his household, 247, 252, 253, letter from Anne Boleyn to, 255, charged with the great pox, 422 Woodall, John, describes the plague-bubo, 122, on scurvy, 603-6 Woodstock, sickness near, 291, plague, 292 Wool trade after Black Death, 179, 193 Wyclif, on decrease of population, 201 Yarmouth, Black Death in, 130, decline of, 195, 221; plague in 1579, 348, in 1625, 525, in 1635-6, 528, in 1664-5, 680 =Yellow Fever=, epidemic of at Bridgetown in 1647, 620, in St Christopher, 621, case of described, 623, characters of, 624, in “Regalia” and “La Pique”, 629, theory of in slave-ports, 630-31, as a soil-poison, 632-3, question of, in Drake’s fleet, 518-9 York, wasting of, 27, hospital at, 87, Black Death at, 118, 131, ditto in diocese of, 134, size of after ditto, 201, plague in 1391, 220, in 1485, 282, plague or sweat in 1551, 261, plague in 1604, 489 Yun-nan, modern plague, 168 Yusufzai, bubonic typhus in, 171 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. FOOTNOTES: [1] The references to the Justinian plague by contemporary and later historians have been collected, together with partly irrelevant matter about portents and earthquakes, by Val. Seibel, _Die grosse Pest zur Zeit Justinian’s I._ Dillingen, 1857. The author, a layman, throws no light upon its origin. [2] Beda, _Hist. Eccles._ Eng. Hist. Society’s ed. p. 243: “qui ubi Romam pervenit, cujus sedi apostolicae tempore illo Vitalianus praeerat, postquam itineris sui causam praefato papae apostolico patefecit, non multo post et ipse et omnes pene, qui cum eo advenerant, socii, pestilentia superveniente, deleti sunt.” [3] _Flores Histor._ by Roger of Wendover. Eng. Hist. Society’s ed. I. 180. [4] _Ibid._ I. 228. [5] _Miscellaneous Works of the late Robert Willan, M.D., F.R.S., F.A.S._ Edited by Ashby Smith, M.D. London, 1831. ‘An Enquiry into the Antiquity of the Smallpox etc.’ p. 108. [6] _Annals of the Four Masters_, ed. O’Donovan, Dublin, 1851, I. 183. “A.D. 543. There was an extraordinary universal plague through the world, which swept away the noblest third part of the human race.” p. 187. “A.D. 548. Of the mortality which was called Cron Chonaill--and that was the first Buide Chonaill [_flava ictericia_],--these saints died,” several names following. The entries of that plague are under different years in the various original Annals. [7] “Eodem anno dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo sexagesimo quarto, facta erat eclipsis solis die tertio mensis Maii, hora circiter decima diei; quo etiam anno subita pestilentiae lues, depopulatis prius australibus Brittaniae plagis, Nordanhymbrorum quoque provinciam corripiens, atque acerba clade diutius longe lateque desaeviens, magnam hominum multitudinem stravit. Qua plaga praefatus Domini sacerdos Tuda raptus est de mundo, et in monasterio, quod dicitur Paegnalaech, honorifice sepultus. Haec autem plaga Hiberniam quoque insulam pari clade premebat. Erant ibidem eo tempore multi nobilium simul et mediocrium de gente Anglorum, qui tempore Finani et Colmani episcoporum, relicta insula patria, vel divinae lectionis, vel continentioris vitae gratia, illo secesserant.... Erant inter hos duo juvenes magnae indolis, de nobilibus Anglorum, Aedilhun et Ecgberct,” etc. Beda’s _Hist. Eccles._ ed. Stevenson. Engl. Hist. Soc. I. p. 231. [8] _Ibid._ p. 240. [9] _Annals of the Four Masters_, I. 275. [10] Thorpe, in his edition of Florence of Worcester, for the Eng. Hist. Society, I. 25. [11] The first of Beda’s incidents of the Barking monastery relates to a miraculous sign in the heavens showing where the cemetery was to be. It begins: “Cum tempestas saepe dictae cladis, late cuncta depopulans, etiam partem monasterii hujus illam qua viri tenebantur, invasisset, et passim quotidie raperentur ad Dominum.” [12] “Erat in eodem monasterio [Barking] puer trium circiter, non amplius annorum, Æsica nomine, qui propter infantilem adhuc aetatem in virginum Deo dedicatarum solebat cella nutriri, ibique medicari. Hic praefata pestilentia tactus ubi ad extrema pervenit clamavit tertio unam de consecratis Christo virginibus, proprio eam nomine quasi praesentem alloquens ‘Eadgyd, Eadgyd, Eadgyd’; et sic terminans temporalem vitam intravit aeternam. At virgo illa, quam moriens vocabat, ipso quo vocata est die de hac luce subtracta, et ilium qui se vocavit ad regnum coeleste secuta est.” Beda, p. 265. Then follows the story of a nun dying of the pestilence in the same monastery. [13] Beda, Lib. IV. cap. 14. In addition to the instances in the text, which I have collected from Beda’s _Ecclesiastical History_, I find two mentioned by Willan in his “Inquiry into the Antiquity of the Smallpox,” (_Miscell. Works_, London, 1821, pp. 109, 110): “About the year 672, St Cedda, Bishop of the East Saxons, being on a visitation to the monastery of Lestingham, was infected with a contagious distemper, and died on the seventh day. Thirty monks, who came to visit the tomb of their bishop, were likewise infected, and most of them died” (_Vita S. Ceddae_, VII. Jan. p. 375. Cf. Beda, IV. 3). Again: “In the course of the year 685, the disease re-appeared at Lindisfarne, (Holy Island), St Cuthbert’s abbacy, and in 686 spread through the adjoining district, where it particularly affected children” (_Vita S. Cuthberti_, cap. 33). Willan’s erudition has been used in support of a most improbable hypothesis, that the pestilence of those years, in monasteries and elsewhere, was smallpox. [14] _Historia Abbatum Gyrvensium, auctore anonymo_, §§ 13 and 14. (App. to vol. II. of Beda’s works. Eng. Hist. Society’s edition, p. 323.) § 13. Qui dum transmarinis moraretur in locis [Benedict] ecce subita pestilentiae procella Brittaniam corripiens lata nece vastavit, in qua plurimi de utroque ejus monasterio, et ipse venerabilis ac Deo dilectus abbas Eosterwini raptus est ad Dominum, quarto ex quo abbas esse coeperat anno. § 14. Porro in monasterio cui Ceolfridus praeerat omnes qui legere, vel praedicare, vel antiphonas ac responsoria dicere possent ablati sunt excepto ipso abbate et uno puerulo, qui ab ipso nutritus et eruditus. In the Article “Baeda,” _Dict. Nat. Biog._, the Rev. W. Hunt points out that the boy referred to in the above passage would have been Beda himself. [15] The history of the name _pestis flava ictericia_ is given by O’Donovan in a note to the passage in the _Annals of the Four Masters_, I. 275: “Icteritia vel aurigo, id est abundantia flavae bilis, per corpus effusae, hominemque pallidum reddentis,” is the explanation of P. O’S. Beare. The earliest mention of “yellow plague” appears to have been in an ancient life of St Gerald of Mayo, in Colgan’s _Acta Sanctorum_, at the calendar date of 13th March. [16] _Polychronicon_, Rolls edition, V. 250. [17] _The Story of England_, Rolls series, ed. Furnivall, II. 569. [18] Rolls series, ed. Thorpe, I. 136, 137 (Transl. II. 60). Also in Gervase of Canterbury, Rolls series, ed. Stubbs, II. 348. [19] _Chronicon Abbatiae Ramesiensis_, Rolls ed. 1886, p. 397. [20] According to an inquisition of 2 Edward III., the abbey of Croyland contained in 1328, forty-one monks, besides fifteen “corrodiarii” and thirty-six servitors. _Chronicle of Croyland_ in Gale, I. 482. [21] _Epistolae Cantuarienses_, Rolls series, No. 38, ed. Stubbs, Epist. CCLXXII. p. 254, and Introduction, p. lxvii. [22] William of Newburgh, Rolls ed. p. 481. [23] Ralph of Coggeshall, Rolls series, No. 66, p. 112. [24] Roger of Wendover, III. 72. [25] In the Life of St Hugh of Lincoln, who died in 1200, or eight years before the Papal Interdict, there is a clear reference to difficulties thrown by the priests in the way of burial, especially for the poor, and perhaps in a time of epidemic sickness such as the years 1194-6. See _Vita S. Hugonis Lincolnensis_, Rolls series, No. 37, pp. 228-233. [26] Eadmer, _l. c._ [27] _Polychronicon_, Rolls ed. VII. 90. [28] _Gesta Pontificum_, Rolls ed. p. 171. Another narrator of the story of St Elphege and the Danes is Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls ed. p. 179); he says nothing of the pestilence, but describes the sack of Canterbury. Eadmer also (_Historia Novorum in Anglia_, Rolls ser. 81, p. 4) omits the pestilence. [29] Quoted by Higden, _Polychronicon_, Rolls ed. II. 18. This may have been one of Henry of Huntingdon’s poems which were extant in Leland’s time, but are now lost. [30] _Polychronicon_, II. 166. [31] Marchand, _Étude sur quelques épidémies et endémies du moyen âge_ (Thèse), Paris, 1873, p. 49, with a reference to Fuchs, “Das heilige Feuer im Mittelalter” in Hecker’s _Annalen_, vol. 28, p. 1, which journal I have been unable to consult. [32] Giraldus Cambrensis, _Topographia Hiberniae_, in Rolls edition of his works, No. 21, vol. V. [33] “Itinerarium Walliae” and “Descriptio Kambriae,” _Opera_, vol. VI. [34] _Polychronicon_, I. 410. [35] William of Newburgh, _sub anno_ 1157, I. 107. [36] _Europe during the Middle Ages_, chap. IX. [37] I have used for this purpose Merewether and Stephens’ _History of Boroughs_, 3 vols. 1835. [38] _Leechdoms, Wort-cunning and Starcraft of Early England._ Edited by Cockayne for the Rolls Series, 3 vols. 1864-66. [39] It is illustrative of the confusion which arises from careless copying by later compilers of history that Roger of Wendover, in his _Flores Historiarum_ (Eng. Hist. Society’s edition I. 159), takes Beda’s Sussex reference to famine and makes it do duty, under the year 665, for the great general plague of 664, having apparently overlooked Beda’s entirely distinct account of the latter. [40] _Hist. Eccles._ § 290:--“Siquidem tribus annis ante adventum ejus in provinciam, nulla illis in locis pluvia ceciderat, unde et fames acerbissima plebem invadens inopia nece prostravit. Denique ferunt quia saepe quadraginta simul aut quinquaginta homines inedia macerati procederent ad praecipitium aliquod sive ripam maris, et junctis misere manibus pariter omnes aut ruina perituri, aut fluctibus absorbendi deciderent. Verum ipso die, quo baptisma fidei gens suscepit illa, descendit pluvia serena sed copiosa, refloruit terra, rediit viridantibus arvis annus laetus et frugifer.” [41] Green _Short History of the English People_, p. 39: “The very fields lay waste, and the land was scourged by famine and plague.” I have missed this reference to plague in the original authorities. A passage in Higden’s _Polychronicon_ (V. 258) may relate to that period, although it is referred to the mythical time of Vortigern. [42] Stow, in enumerating the instances of public charity in his _Survey of London_, ascribes the melting of the church plate to Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester in the reign of King Edgar, about the year 963. [43] The murrain was a flux, _anglicé_ “scitha” (Roger of Howden) or “schitta” (Bromton). [44] Simeon of Durham, in Rolls series, II. 188. As to fugitives, see Chr. Evesham, p. 91. [45] _Gesta Pontif. Angl._ p. 208. [46] Simeon of Durham, “On the Miracles of St Cuthbert,” _Works_, II. 338-40. [47] Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Malmesbury adds “a mortality of men.” [48] William of Malmesbury, _Gest. Reg._ Eng. Hist. Soc. II. 452. [49] Malmesbury’s construction is repeated by Henry of Huntingdon, Rolls ed. p. 209. Florence of Worcester merely says: “primo febribus, deinde fame.” [50] Henry of Huntingdon, p. 232. [51] Annals of Winchester, _sub anno_ 1096. [52] “Septimo anno propter tributa quae rex in Normannia positus edixerat, agricultura defecit; qua fatiscente fames e vestigio; ea quoque invalescente mortalitas hominum subsecuta, adeo crebra ut deesset morituris cura, mortuis sepultura.” _Gest. Reg._ II. 506. Copied in the Annals of Margan, Rolls ed. II. 506. [53] _Râs Mâlâ_, by A. Kinloch Forbes, 2nd ed. p. 543. [54] _Ibid._ [55] Thomas Whyte, “Report on the disease which prevailed in Kattywar in 1819-20.” _Trans. Med. Phys. Soc. Bombay_, I. (1838), p. 169. See also Gilder, _ibid._ p. 192; Frederick Forbes _ibid._ II. 1, and Thesis on Plague, Edin. 1840. [56] In 1110 the tax was for the dower of the king’s daughter on her marriage. That also was parallel with a feudal right in Gujerat: “When a chief has to portion a daughter, or to incur other similar necessary expense, he has the right of imposing a levy upon the cultivators to meet it.” A. Kinloch Forbes, _Râs Mâlâ_, 2nd ed. p. 546. Refusal to plough, _temp._ Henry I. is stated by Pearson, I. 442. [57] Malmesbury, _Gest. Pont._ p. 442; H. of Huntingdon; Annals of Margan; Roger of Howden. [58] Also in the Annals of Osney: “Mortalitas maxima hominum in Anglia.” [59] “Attenuata est Anglia, ut ex regno florentissimo infelicissimum videretur.” William of Newburgh, Rolls ed. p. 39. [60] Henry of Huntingdon, _sub anno_ 1138. [61] _Gesta Stephani_, Rolls series, No. 82, vol. III. p. 99. The author is conjectured to have been a foreigner in the service of the bishop of Winchester, brother of the king. [62] “Affluit ergo fames; consumpta carne gementes Exhalant animas ossa cutisque vagas. Quis tantos sepelire queat coetus morientium? Ecce Stigis facies, consimilisque lues.” [63] William of Newburgh, _sub anno_ 1149. [64] Stow’s _Survey of London_, Popular ed. (1890) p. 116. [65] “Recentium esus carnium et haustus aquae, tam insolitus quam incognitus, plures de regis exercitu panis inedia laborantes, fluxu ventris afflixit in Hybernia.” Radulphus de Diceto, _Imagines Historiar._ I. 350. [66] Benedict of Peterborough, I. 104, and, in identical terms, in Roger of Howden. [67] The speaker is represented as a Jew in France. It is significant that the massacre of the Jews at Lynn in 1190 is stated by William of Newburgh to have been instigated by the _foreign_ traders. [68] Ricardus Divisiensis. Eng. Hist. Society’s ed. p. 60. [69] Description of London, prefixed to Fitzstephen’s Life of Becket. Reproduced in Stow’s _Survey of London_. [70] _Petri Blesensis omnia opera_, ed. Giles, Epist. CLI. The number of churches may seem large for the population; but it should be kept in mind that these city parish churches were mere chapels or oratories, like the side-chapels of a great church. Indeed, at Yarmouth, they were actually built along the sides of the single great parish church; whereas, at Norwich, there were sixty of them standing each in its own small parish area, the Cathedral, as well as the other conventual churches, being the greater places of worship. Lincoln is said to have had 49 of these small churches, and York 40. An example of them remains in St Peter’s at Cambridge. [71] William of Newburgh, p. 431. [72] _Ibid._ [73] “His quoque nostris diebus, ingruente famis inedia, et maxima pauperum turba quotidie ad januam jacente, de communi patrum consilio, ad caritatis explendae sufficientiam, propter bladum in Angliam navis Bristollum missa est.” _Itiner. Walliae_, Rolls ed. VI. 68. The itinerary of Bishop Baldwin, which the author follows, was in 1188; but the “his quoque nostris diebus” clearly refers to a later date, which may have been the year after, or may have been the more severe famine of 1195-7 or of 1203. [74] _Histor. Rer. Angl._, Rolls series, No. 82, vol. I. pp. 460, 484. [75] Ralph of Coggeshall, _sub anno_. [76] “Variis infirmitatibus homines per Angliam vexantur et quamplures moriuntur,” Annals of Margan, Rolls series, No. 36. [77] Roger of Wendover, _Fl. Hist._ Rolls ed. [78] Matthew Paris, _Chronica Majora_, Rolls series, No. 57, ed. Luard, vol. V. [79] Rishanger in _Chron. Monast. S. Albani_, Rolls series, No. 28. [80] John Trokelowe, _ibid._ [81] Wendover, II. 162, 171, 190, 205. [82] Wendover, III. 95, 98. [83] “Qui ex avaritia inopiam semper habent suspectam.” [84] Alboldslea, or Abbotsley, was the parish of which the famous Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, was rector (perhaps non-resident) down to 1231, or to within three years of the date of the above anecdote. The existing church is of great age, and may well have been the actual edifice in which the scene was enacted. [85] Wendover, III. 96. [86] _Ibid._ III. 19, 27. [87] Wendover, III. 381. [88] William of Newburgh, _sub anno_ 1196. [89] On the other hand John Stow seems to have acquired, from some unstated source, an extraordinary prejudice against him. [90] Matthew Paris, _Chron. Maj._ ed. Luard, V. 663, 675. [91] Annals of Tewkesbury in _Annales Monastici_, Rolls series, No. 36. [92] _Chronica Majora_, IV. 647; Stow, _Survey of London_. [93] _Chron. Maj._ IV. 654. [94] _Chr. Maj._ V. 660. Other details occur here and there to the end of the chronicle. [95] This is the number given by Matthew Paris. It suggests a larger population in the capital than we might have been disposed to credit. The same writer says that London was so full of people when the parliament was sitting the year before (1257) that the city could hardly hold them all in her ample bosom. The Annals of Tewkesbury put the whole mortality from famine and fever in London in 1258 at 20,000. But the whole population did not probably exceed 40,000. [96] The year 1274 was the beginning of so exceptional a murrain of sheep that it deserves mention here, although murrains do not come within the scope of the work. It is recorded by more than one contemporary. Rishanger (p. 84) says: “In that year a disastrous plague of sheep seized upon England, so that the sheep-folds were everywhere emptied through the spreading of it. It lasted for twenty-eight years following, so that no farm of the whole kingdom was without the infliction of that misery. Many attributed the cause of this disease, which the inhabitants had not been acquainted with before, to a certain rich man of the Frankish nation, who settled in Northumberland, having brought with him a certain sheep of Spanish breed, the size of a small two year old ox, which was ailing and contaminated all the flocks of England by handing on its disease to them.” Under the year following, 1275, he enters it again, using the term “scabies.” Thorold Rogers (_Hist. of Agric. and Prices_, I. 31) has found “scab” of sheep often mentioned in the bailiffs’ accounts from about 1288; it is assumed to have become permanent from the item of tar occurring regularly in the accounts; but tar was used ordinarily for marking. It may have been sheep-pox, which Fitzherbert, in his _Book of Husbandry_ (edition of 1598), describes under the name of “the Poxe,” giving a clear account of the way to deal with it by isolation. For murrains in general, the reader may consult Fleming’s _Animal Plagues_, 2 vols. 1871--1884, a work which is mostly compiled (with meagre acknowledgment for “bibliography” only) from the truly learned work of Heusinger, _Recherches de Pathologie Comparée_, Cassel, 1844. Fleming has used only the “pièces justificatives,” and has not carried the history beyond the point where Heusinger left it. [97] Continuation of Wm. of Newburgh, Rolls series No. 82, vol. II. p. 560: “Facta est magna fames per universam Angliam et maxime partibus occidentalibus. In Hibernia vero tres pestes invaluerunt, sc. mortalitas, fames, et gladius: per guerram mortalem praevalentibus Hybernicis et Anglicis succumbentibus. Qui vero gladium et famem evadere potuerunt, peste mortalitatis praeventi sunt, ita ut vivi mortuis sepeliendis vix sufficere valerent.” [98] See also the continuation of the chronicle of Florence of Worcester, Bohn’s series, p. 405. [99] Rishanger’s annals, 1259-1305, and Trokelowe’s, 1307-1323, are printed in the volumes of _Chronica Monast. S. Albani_, No. 28 of the Rolls series. [100] Furnivall’s ed. Rolls series, No. 87, vol. II. 569, 573. [101] Chronicle of William Gregory, Camden Society, ed. Gairdner, 1876. [102] _Annales Londonienses_, Rolls series, No. 76, ed. Stubbs.