introduction of new strains. (It may be noted that Reibmayr, in

his recent _Entwicklungsgeschichte des Genics und Talentes_, argues that the superior races, and superior individuals, in the human species, have been produced by an unconscious adherence to exactly these principles.) "By segregating superior families, and by breeding these in-and-in, superior varieties of human beings might be produced, which would be comparable to the thoroughbreds in all the domestic races." He illustrates this by the early history of the Jews. Noyes finally criticises the present method, or lack of method, in matters of propagation. Our marriage system, he states, "leaves mating to be determined by a general scramble." By ignoring, also, the great difference between the sexes in reproductive power, it "restricts each man, whatever may be his potency and his value, to the amount of production of which one woman, chosen blindly, may be capable." Moreover, he continues, "practically it discriminates against the best, and in favor of the worst; for, while the good man will be limited by his conscience to what the law allows, the bad man, free from moral check, will distribute his seed beyond the legal limits, as widely as he dares." "We are safe every way in saying that there is no possibility of carrying the two precepts of scientific propagation into an institution which pretends to no discrimination, allows no suppression, gives no more liberty to the best than to the worst, and which, in fact, must inevitably discriminate the wrong way, so long as the inferior classes are most prolific and least amenable to the admonitions of science and morality." In modifying our sexual institutions, Noyes insists there are two essential points to remember: the preservation of liberty, and the preservation of the home. There must be no compulsion about human scientific propagation; it must be autonomous, directed by self-government, "by the free choice of those who love science well enough to 'make themselves eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake.'" The home, also, must be preserved, since "marriage is the best thing for man as he is;" but it is necessary to enlarge the home, for, "if all could learn to love other children than their own, there would be nothing to hinder scientific propagation in the midst of homes far better than any that now exist." This memorable pamphlet contains no exposition of the precise measures adopted by the Oneida Community to carry out these principles. The two essential points were, as we know, "male continence" (see _ante_ p. 553), and the enlarged family, in which all the men were the actual or potential mates of all the women, but no union for propagation took place, except as the result of reason and deliberate resolve. "The community," says H.J. Seymour, one of the original members (_The Oneida Community_, 1894, p. 5), "was a _family_, as distinctly separated from surrounding society as ordinary households. The tie that bound it together was as permanent, and at least as sacred, as that of marriage. Every man's care, and the whole of the common property, was pledged for the maintenance and protection of the women, and the support and education of the children." It is not probable that the Oneida Community presented in detail the model to which human society generally will conform. But even at the lowest estimate, its success showed, as Lord Morely has pointed out (_Diderot_, vol. ii, p. 19), "how modifiable are some of these facts of existing human character which are vulgarly deemed to be ultimate and ineradicable," and that "the discipline of the appetites and affections of sex," on which the future of civilization largely rests, is very far from an impossibility. In many respects, the Oneida Community was ahead of its time,--and even of ours,--but it is interesting to note that, in the matter of the control of conception, our marriage system has come into line with the theory and practice of Oneida; it cannot, indeed, be said that we always control conception in accordance with eugenic principles, but the fact that such control has now become a generally accepted habit of civilization, to some extent deprives Noyes' criticism of our marriage system of the force it possessed half a century ago. Another change in our customs--the advocacy, and even the practice, of abortion and castration--would not have met with his approval; he was strongly opposed to both, and with the high moral level that ruled his community, neither was necessary to the maintenance of the stirpiculture that prevailed. The Oneida Community endured for the space of one generation, and came to an end in 1879, by no means through a recognition of failure, but by a wise deference to external pressure. Its members, many of them highly educated, continued to cherish the memory of the practices and ideals of the Community. Noyes Miller (the author of _The Strike of a Sex_, and _Zugassant's Discovery_) to the last, looked with quiet confidence to the time when, as he anticipated, the great discovery of Noyes would be accepted and adopted by the world at large. Another member of the Community (Henry J. Seymour) wrote of the Community long afterwards that "It was an anticipation and imperfect miniature of the Kingdom of Heaven on earth." Perhaps the commonest type of proposal or attempt to improve the biological level of the race is by the exclusion of certain classes of degenerates from marriage, or by the encouragement of better classes of the community to marry. This seems to be, at present, the most popular form of eugenics, and in so far as it is not effected by compulsion but is the outcome of a voluntary resolve to treat the question of the creation of the race with the jealous care and guardianship which so tremendously serious, so godlike, a task involves, it has much to be said in its favor and nothing against it. But it is quite another matter when the attempt is made to regulate such an institution as marriage by law. In the first place we do not yet know enough about the principles of heredity and the transmissibility of pathological states to enable us to formulate sound legislative proposals on this basis. Even so comparatively simple a matter as the relationship of tuberculosis to heredity can scarcely be said to be a matter of common agreement, even if it can yet be claimed that we possess adequate material on which to attain a common agreement. Supposing, moreover, that our knowledge on all these questions were far more advanced than it is, we still should not have attained a position in which we could lay down general propositions regarding the desirability or the undesirability of certain classes of persons procreating. The question is necessarily an individual question, and it can only be decided when all the circumstances of the individual case have been fairly passed in review. The objection to any legislative and compulsory regulation of the right to marry is, however, much more fundamental than the consideration that our knowledge is at present inadequate. It lies in the extraordinary confusion, in the minds of those who advocate such legislation, between legal marriage and procreation. The persons who fall into such confusion have not yet learnt the alphabet of the subject they presume to dictate about, and are no more competent to legislate than a child who cannot tell A from B is competent to read. Marriage, in so far as it is the partnership for mutual help and consolation of two people who in such partnership are free, if they please, to exercise sexual union, is an elementary right of every person who is able to reason, who is guilty of no fraud or concealment, and who is not likely to injure the partner selected, for in that case society is entitled to interfere by virtue of its duty to protect its members. But the right to marry, thus understood, in no way involves the right to procreate. For while marriage _per se_ only affects the two individuals concerned, and in no way affects the State, procreation, on the other hand, primarily affects the community which is ultimately made up of procreated persons, and only secondarily affects the two individuals who are the instruments of procreation. So that just as the individual couple has the first right in the question of marriage, the State has the first right in the question of procreation. The State is just as incompetent to lay down the law about marriage as the individual is to lay down the law about procreation. That, however, is only one-half of the folly committed by those who would select the candidates for matrimony by statute. Let us suppose--as is not indeed easy to suppose--that a community will meekly accept the abstract prohibitions of the statute book and quietly go home again when the registrar of marriages informs them that they are shut out from legal matrimony by the new table of prohibited degrees. An explicit prohibition to procreate within marriage is an implicit permission to procreate outside marriage. Thus the undesirable procreation, instead of being carried out under the least dangerous conditions, is carried out under the most dangerous conditions, and the net result to the community is not a gain but a loss. What seems usually to happen, in the presence of a formal legislative prohibition against the marriage of a particular class, is a combination of various evils. In part the law becomes a dead letter, in part it is evaded by skill and fraud, in part it is obeyed to give rise to worse evils. This happened, for instance, in the Terek district of the Caucasus where, on the demand of a medical committee, priests were prohibited from marrying persons among whose relatives or ancestry any cases of leprosy had occurred. So much and such various mischief was caused by this order that it was speedily withdrawn.[452] If we remember that the Catholic Church was occupied for more than a thousand years in the attempt to impose the prohibition of marriage on its priesthood,--an educated and trained body of men, who had every spiritual and worldly motive to accept the prohibition, and were, moreover, brought up to regard asceticism as the best ideal in life,[453]--we may realize how absurd it is to attempt to gain the same end by mere casual prohibitions issued to untrained people with no motives to obey such prohibitions, and no ideals of celibacy. The hopelessness and even absurdity of effecting the eugenic improvement of the race by merely placing on the statute book prohibitions to certain classes of people to enter the legal bonds of matrimony as at present constituted, reveals the weakness of those who undervalue the eugenic importance of environment. Those who affirm that heredity is everything and environment nothing seem strangely to forget that it is precisely the lower classes--those who are most subjected to the influence of bad environment--who procreate most copiously, most recklessly, and most disastrously. The restraint of procreation, and a concomitant regard for heredity, increase _pari passu_ with improvement of the environment and rise in social well-being. If even already it can be said that probably fifty per cent. of sexual intercourse--perhaps the most procreatively productive moiety--takes place outside legal marriage, it becomes obvious that statutory prohibition to the unfit classes to refrain from legal marriage merely involves their joining the procreating classes outside legal matrimony. It is also clear that if we are to neglect the factor of environment, and leave the lower social classes to the ignorance and recklessness which are the result of such environment, the only practical method of eugenics left open is that by castration and abortion. But this method--if applied on a wholesale scale as it would need to be[454] and without reference to the consent of the individual--is entirely opposed to modern democratic feeling. Thus those short-sighted eugenists who overlook the importance of environment are overlooking the only practical channel through which their aims can be realized. Attention to procreation and attention to environment are not, as some have supposed, antagonistic, but they play harmoniously into each other's hands. The care for environment leads to a restraint on reckless procreation, and the restraint of procreation leads to improved environment. Legislation on marriage, to be effectual, must be enacted in the home, in the school, in the doctor's consulting room. Force is helpless here; it is education that is needed, not merely instruction, but the education of the conscience and will, and the training of the emotions. Legal action may come in to further this process of education, though it cannot replace it. Thus it is very desirable that when there has been a concealment of serious disease by a party to a marriage such concealment should be a ground for divorce. Epilepsy may be taken as typical of the diseases which should be a bar to procreation, and their concealment equivalent to an annulment of marriage.[455] In the United States the Supreme Court of Errors of Connecticut laid it down in 1906 that the Superior Court has the power to pass a decree of divorce when one of the parties has concealed the existence of epilepsy. This weighty deliverence, it has been well said,[456] marks a forward step in human progress. There are many other seriously pathological conditions in which divorce should be pronounced, or indeed, occur automatically, except when procreation has been renounced, for in that case the State is no longer concerned in the relationship, except to punish any fraud committed by concealment. The demand that a medical certificate of health should be compulsory on marriage, has been especially made in France. In 1858, Diday, of Lyons, proposed, indeed, that all persons, without exception, should be compelled to possess a certificate of health and disease, a kind of sanitary passport. In 1872, Bertillon (Art. "Demographic," _Dictionnaire Encyclopédique des Sciences Médicales_) advocated the registration, at marriage, of the chief anthropological and pathological traits of the contracting parties (height, weight, color of hair and eyes, muscular force, size of head, condition of vision, hearing, etc., deformities and defects, etc.), not so much, however, for the end of preventing undesirable marriages, as to facilitate the study and comparison of human groups at particular periods. Subsequent demands, of a more limited and partial character, for legal medical certificates as a condition of marriage, have been made by Fournier (_Syphilis et Mariage_, 1890), Cazalis (_Le Science et le Mariage_, 1890), and Jullien (_Blenorrhagie et Mariage_, 1898). In Austria, Haskovec, of Prague ("Contrat Matrimonial et L'Hygiène Publique," _Comptes-rendus Congrès International de Médecine_, Lisbon, 1906, Section VII, p. 600), argues that, on marriage, a medical certificate should be presented, showing that the subject is exempt from tuberculosis, alcoholism, syphilis, gonorrhoea, severe mental, or nervous, or other degenerative state, likely to be injurious to the other partner, or to the offspring. In America, Rosenberg and Aronstam argue that every candidate for marriage, male or female, should undergo a strict examination by a competent board of medical examiners, concerning (1) Family and Past History (syphilis, consumption, alcoholism, nervous, and mental diseases), and (2) Status Presens (thorough examination of all the organs); if satisfactory, a certificate of matrimonial eligibility would then be granted. It is pointed out that a measure of this kind would render unnecessary the acts passed by some States for the punishment by fine, or imprisonment, of the concealment of disease. Ellen Key also considers (_Liebe und Ehe_, p. 436) that each party at marriage should produce a certificate of health. "It seems to me just as necessary," she remarks, elsewhere (_Century of the Child_, Ch. I), "to demand medical testimony concerning capacity for marriage, as concerning capacity for military service. In the one case, it is a matter of giving life; in the other, of taking it, although certainly the latter occasion has hitherto been considered as much the more serious." The certificate, as usually advocated, would be a private but necessary legitimation of the marriage in the eyes of the civil and religious authorities. Such a step, being required for the protection alike of the conjugal partner and of posterity, would involve a new legal organization of the matrimonial contract. That such demands are so frequently made, is a significant sign of the growth of moral consciousness in the community, and it is good that the public should be made acquainted with the urgent need for them. But it is highly undesirable that they should, at present, or, perhaps, ever, be embodied in legal codes. What is needed is the cultivation of the feeling of individual responsibility, and the development of social antagonism towards those individuals who fail to recognize their responsibility. It is the reality of marriage, and not its mere legal forms, that it is necessary to act upon. The voluntary method is the only sound way of approach in this matter. Duclaux considered that the candidate for marriage should possess a certificate of health in much the same way as the candidate for life assurance, the question of professional secrecy, as well as that of compulsion, no more coming into one question than into the other. There is no reason why such certificates, of an entirely voluntary character, should not become customary among those persons who are sufficiently enlightened to realize all the grave personal, family, and social issues involved in marriage. The system of eugenic certification, as originated and developed by Galton, will constitute a valuable instrument for raising the moral consciousness in this matter. Galton's eugenic certificates would deal mainly with the natural virtues of superior hereditary breed--"the public recognition of a natural nobility"--but they would include the question of personal health and personal aptitude.[457] To demand compulsory certificates of health at marriage is indeed to begin at the wrong end. It would not only lead to evasions and antagonisms but would probably call forth a reaction. It is first necessary to create an enthusiasm for health, a moral conscience in matters of procreation, together with, on the scientific side, a general habit of registering the anthropological, psychological, and pathological data concerning the individual, from birth onwards, altogether apart from marriage. The earlier demands of Diday and Bertillon were thus not only on a sounder but also a more practicable basis. If such records were kept from birth for every child, there would be no need for special examination at marriage, and many incidental ends would be gained. There is difficulty at present in obtaining such records from the moment of birth, and, so far as I am aware, no attempts have yet been made to establish their systematic registration. But it is quite possible to begin at the beginning of school life, and this is now done at many schools and colleges in England, America, and elsewhere, more especially as regards anthropological, physiological, and psychological data, each child being submitted to a thorough and searching anthropometric examination, and thus furnished with a systematic statement of his physical condition.[458] This examination needs to be standardized and generalized, and repeated at fixed intervals. "Every individual child," as is truly stated by Dr. Dukes, the Physician to Rugby School, "on his entrance to a public school should be as carefully and as thoroughly examined as if it were for life insurance." If this procedure were general from an early age, there would be no hardship in the production of the record at marriage, and no opportunity for fraud. The _dossier_ of each person might well be registered by the State, as wills already are, and, as in the case of wills, become freely open to students when a century had elapsed. Until this has been done during several centuries our knowledge of eugenics will remain rudimentary. There can be little doubt that the eugenic attitude towards marriage, and the responsibility of the individual for the future of the race, is becoming more recognized. It is constantly happening that persons, about to marry, approach the physician in a state of serious anxiety on this point. Urquhart, indeed (_Journal of Mental Science_, April, 1907, p. 277), believes that marriages are seldom broken off on this ground; this seems, however, too pessimistic a view, and even when the marriage is not broken off the resolve is often made to avoid procreation. Clouston, who emphasizes (_Hygiene of the Mind_, p. 74) the importance of "inquiries by each of the parties to the life-contract, by their parents and their doctors, as to heredity, temperament, and health," is more hopeful of the results than Urquhart. "I have been very much impressed, of late years," he writes (_Journal of Mental Science_, Oct., 1907, p. 710), "with the way in which this subject is taking possession of intelligent people, by the number of times one is consulted by young men and young women, proposing to marry, or by their fathers or mothers. I used to have the feeling in the back of my mind, when I was consulted, that it did not matter what I said, it would not make any difference. But it is making a difference; and I, and others, could tell of scores of marriages which were put off in consequence of psychiatric medical advice." Ellen Key, also, refers to the growing tendency among both men and women, to be influenced by eugenic consideration in forming partnerships for life (_Century of the Child_, Ch. I). The recognition of the eugenic attitude towards marriage, the quickening of the social and individual conscience in matters of heredity, as also the systematic introduction of certification and registration, will be furthered by the growing tendency to the socialization of medicine, and, indeed, in its absence would be impossible. (See e.g., Havelock Ellis, _The Nationalization of Health_.) The growth of the State Medical Organization of Health is steady and continuous, and is constantly covering a larger field. The day of the private practitioner of medicine--who was treated, as Duclaux (_L'Hygiène Sociale_, p. 263) put it, "like a grocer, whose shop the customer may enter and leave as he pleases, and when he pleases"--will, doubtless, soon be over. It is now beginning to be felt that health is far too serious a matter, not only from the individual but also from the social point of view, to be left to private caprice. There is, indeed, a tendency, in some quarters, to fear that some day society may rush to the opposite extreme, and bow before medicine with the same unreasoning deference that it once bowed before theology. That danger is still very remote, nor is it likely, indeed, that medicine will ever claim any authority of this kind. The spirit of medicine has, notoriously, been rather towards the assertion of scepticism than of dogma, and the fanatics in this field will always be in a hopelessly small minority. The general introduction of authentic personal records covering all essential data--hereditary, anthropometric and pathological--cannot fail to be a force on the side of positive as well as of negative eugenics, for it would tend to promote the procreation of the fit as well as restrict that of the unfit, without any legislative compulsion. With the growth of education a regard for such records as a preliminary to marriage would become as much a matter of course as once was the regard to the restrictions imposed by Canon law, and as still is a regard to money or to caste. A woman can usually refrain from marrying a man with no money and no prospects; a man may be passionately in love with a woman of lower class than himself but he seldom marries her. It needs but a clear general perception of all that is involved in heredity and health to make eugenic considerations equally influential. A discriminating regard to the quality of offspring will act beneficially on the side of positive eugenics by substituting the pernicious tendency to put a premium on excess of childbirth by the more rational method of putting a premium on the quality of the child. It has been one of the most unfortunate results of the mania for protesting against that decline of the birthrate which is always and everywhere the result of civilization, that there has been a tendency to offer special social or pecuniary advantages to the parents of large families. Since large families tend to be degenerate, and to become a tax on the community, since rapid pregnancies in succession are not only a serious drain on the strength of the mother but are now known to depreciate seriously the quality of the offspring, and since, moreover, it is in large families that disease and mortality chiefly prevail, all the interests of the community are against the placing of any premium on large families, even in the case of parents of good stock. The interests of the State are bound up not with the quantity but with the quality of its citizens, and the premium should be placed not on the families that reach a certain size but on the individual children that reach a certain standard; the attainment of this standard could well be based on observations made from birth to the fifth year. A premium on this basis would be as beneficial to a State as that on the merely numerical basis is pernicious. This consideration applies with still greater force to the proposals for the "systematic endowment of motherhood" of which we hear more and more. So moderate and judicious a social reformer as Mr. Sidney Webb writes: "We shall have to face the problem of the systematic endowment of motherhood, and place this most indispensable of all professions upon an honorable economic basis. At present it is ignored as an occupation, unremunerated, and in no way honored by the State."[459] True as this statement is, it must always be remembered that an indispensable preliminary to any proposal for the endowment of motherhood by the State is a clear conception of the kind of motherhood which the State requires. To endow the reckless and indiscriminate motherhood which we see around us, to encourage, that is, by State aid, the production of citizens a large proportion of whom the State, if it dared, would like to destroy as unfit, is too ridiculous a proposal to deserve discussion.[460] The only sound reason, indeed, for the endowment of motherhood is that it would enable the State, in its own interests, to further the natural selection of the fit. As to the positive qualities which the State is entitled to endow in its encouragement of motherhood, it is still too early to speak with complete assurance. Negative eugenics tends to be ahead of positive eugenics; it is easier to detect bad stocks than to be quite sure of good stocks. Both on the scientific side and on the social side, however, we are beginning to attain a clearer realization of the end to be attained and a more precise knowledge of the methods of attaining it.[461] Even when we have gained a fairly clear conception of the stocks and the individuals which we are justified in encouraging to undertake the task of producing fit citizens for the State, the problems of procreation are by no means at an end. Before we can so much as inquire what are the conditions under which selected individuals may best procreate, there is still the initial question to be decided whether those individuals are both fertile and potent, for this is not guaranteed by the fact that they belong to good stocks, nor is even the fact that a man and a woman are fertile with other persons any positive proof that they will be fertile with each other. Among the large masses of the population who do not seek to make their unions legal until those unions have proved fertile, this difficulty is settled in a simple and practical manner. The question is, however, a serious and hazardous one, in the present state of the marriage law in most countries, for those classes which are accustomed to bind themselves in legal marriage without any knowledge of their potency and fertility with each other. The matter is mostly left to chance, and as legal marriage cannot usually be dissolved on the ground that there are no offspring, even although procreation is commonly declared to be the chief end of marriage, the question assumes much gravity. The ordinary range of sterility is from seven to fifteen per cent. of all marriages, and in a very large proportion of these it is a source of great concern. This could be avoided, in some measure, by examination before marriage, and almost altogether by ordaining that, as it is only through offspring that a marriage has any concern for the State, a legal marriage could be dissolved, after a certain period, at the will of either of the parties, in the absence of such offspring. It was formerly supposed that when a union proved infertile, it was the wife who was at fault. That belief is long since exploded, but, even yet, a man is generally far more concerned about his potency, that is, his ability to perform the mechanical act of coitus, than about his fertility, that is, his ability to produce living spermatozoa, though the latter condition is a much more common source of sterility. "Any man," says Arthur Cooper (_British Medical Journal_, May 11, 1907), "who has any sexual defect or malformation, or who has suffered from any disease or injury of the genito-urinary organs, even though comparatively trivial or one-sided, and although his copulative power may be unimpaired, should be looked upon as possibly sterile, until some sort of evidence to the contrary has been obtained." In case of a sterile marriage, the possible cause should first be investigated in the husband, for it is comparatively easy to examine the semen, and to ascertain if it contains active spermatozoa. Prinzing, in a comprehensive study of sterile marriages ("Die Sterilen Ehen," _Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft_, 1904, Heft 1 and 2), states that in two-fifths of sterile marriages the man is at fault; one-third of such marriages are the result of venereal diseases in the husband himself, or transmitted to the wife. Gonorrhoea is not now considered so important a cause of sterility as it was a few years ago; Schenk makes it responsible for only about thirteen per cent. sterile marriages (cf. Kisch, _The Sexual Life of Woman_). Pinkus (_Archiv für Gynäkologie_, 1907) found that of nearly five hundred cases in which he examined both partners, in 24.4 per cent. cases, the sterility was directly due to the husband, and in 15.8 per cent. cases, indirectly due, because caused by gonorrhoea with which he had infected his wife. When sterility is due to a defect in the husband's spermatozoa, and is not discovered, as it usually might be, before marriage, the question of impregnating the wife by other methods has occasionally arisen. Divorce on the ground of sterility is not possible, and, even if it were, the couple, although they wish to have a child, have not usually any wish to separate. Under these circumstances, in order to secure the desired end, without departing from widely accepted rules of morality, the attempt is occasionally made to effect artificial fecundation by injecting the semen from a healthy male. Attempts have been made to effect artificial fecundation by various distinguished men, from John Hunter to Schwalbe, but it is nearly always very difficult to effect, and often impossible. This is easy to account for, if we recall what has already been pointed out (_ante_ p. 577) concerning the influence of erotic excitement in the woman in securing conception; it is obviously a serious task for even the most susceptible woman to evoke erotic enthusiasm _à propos_ of a medical syringe. Schwalbe, for instance, records a case (_Deutsche Medizinisches Wochenschrift_, Aug., 1908, p. 510) in which,--in consequence of the husband's sterility and the wife's anxiety, with her husband's consent, to be impregnated by the semen of another man,--he made repeated careful attempts to effect artificial fecundation; these attempts were, however, fruitless, and the three parties concerned finally resigned themselves to the natural method of intercourse, which was successful. In another case, recorded by Schwalbe, in which the husband was impotent but not sterile, six attempts were made to effect artificial fecundation, and further efforts abandoned on account of the disgust of all concerned. Opinion, on the whole, has been opposed to the practice of artificial fecundation, even apart from the question of the probabilities of success. Thus, in France, where there is a considerable literature on the subject, the Paris Medical Faculty, in 1885, after some hesitation, refused Gérard's thesis on the history of artificial fecundation, afterwards published independently. In 1883, the Bordeaux legal tribunal declared that artificial fecundation was illegitimate, and a social danger. In 1897, the Holy See also pronounced that the practice is unlawful ("Artificial Fecundation before the Inquisition," _British Medical Journal_, March 5, 1898). Apart, altogether, from this attitude of medicine, law, and Church, it would certainly seem that those who desire offspring would do well, as a rule, to adopt the natural method, which is also the best, or else to abandon to others the task of procreation, for which they are not adequately equipped. When we have ascertained that two individuals both belong to sound and healthy stocks, and, further, that they are themselves both apt for procreation, it still remains to consider the conditions under which they may best effect procreation.[462] There arises, for instance, the question, often asked, What is the best age for procreation? The considerations which weigh in answering this question are of two different orders, physiological, and social or moral. That is to say, that it is necessary, on the one hand, that physical maturity should have been fully attained, and the sexual cells completely developed; while, on the other hand, it is necessary that the man shall have become able to support a family, and that both partners shall have received a training in life adequate to undertake the responsibilities and anxieties involved in the rearing of children. While there have been variations at different times, it scarcely appears that, on the whole, the general opinion as to the best age for procreation has greatly varied in Europe during many centuries. Hesiod indeed said that a woman should marry about fifteen and a man about thirty,[463] but obstetricians have usually concluded that, in the interests alike of the parents and their offspring, the procreative life should not begin in women before twenty and in men before twenty-five.[464] After thirty in women and after thirty-five or forty in men it seems probable that the best conditions for procreation begin to decline.[465] At the present time, in England and several other civilized countries, the tendency has been for the age of marriage to fall at an increasingly late age, on the average some years later than that usually fixed as the most favorable age for the commencement of the procreative life. But, on the whole, the average seldom departs widely from the accepted standard, and there seems no good reason why we should desire to modify this general tendency. At the same time, it by no means follows that wide variations, under special circumstances, may not only be permissible, but desirable. The male is capable of procreating, in some cases, from about the age of thirteen until far beyond eighty, and at this advanced age, the offspring, even if not notable for great physical robustness, may possess high intellectual qualities. (See e.g., Havelock Ellis, _A Study of British Genius_, pp. 120 et seq.) The range of the procreative age in women begins earlier (sometimes at eight), though it usually ceases by fifty, or earlier, in only rare cases continuing to sixty or beyond. Cases have been reported of pregnancy, or childbirth, at the age of fifty-nine (e.g., _Lancet_, Aug. 5, 1905, p. 419). Lepage (_Comptes-rendus Société d'Obstétrique de Paris_, Oct., 1903) reports a case of a primipara of fifty-seven; the child was stillborn. Kisch (_Sexual Life of Woman_, Part II) refers to cases of pregnancy in elderly women, and various references are given in _British Medical Journal_, Aug. 8, 1903, p. 325. Of more importance is the question of early pregnancy. Several investigators have devoted their attention to this question. Thus, Spitta (in a Marburg Inaugural Dissertation, 1895) reviewed the clinical history of 260 labors in primiparæ of 18 and under, as observed at the Marburg Maternity. He found that the general health during pregnancy was not below the average of pregnant women, while the mortality of the child at birth and during the following weeks was not high, and the mortality of the mother was by no means high. Picard (in a Paris thesis, 1903) has studied childbirth in thirty-eight mothers below the age of sixteen. He found that, although the pelvis is certainly not yet fully developed in very young girls, the joints and bones are much more yielding than in the adult, so that parturition, far from being more difficult, is usually rapid and easy. The process of labor itself, is essentially normal in these cases, and, even when abnormalities occur (low insertion of the placenta is a common anomaly) it is remarkable that the patients do not suffer from them in the way common among older women. The average weight of the child was three kilogrammes, or about 6 pounds, 9 ounces; it sometimes required special care during the first few days after birth, perhaps because labor in these cases is sometimes slow. The recovery of the mother was, in every case, absolutely normal, and the fact that these young mothers become pregnant again more readily than primiparæ of a more mature age, further contributes to show that childbirth below the age of sixteen is in no way injurious to the mother. Gache (_Annales de Gynécologie et d'Obstétrique_, Dec., 1904) has attended ninety-one labors of mothers under seventeen, in the Rawson Hospital, Buenos Ayres; they were of so-called Latin race, mostly Spanish or Italian. Gache found that these young mothers were by no means more exposed than others to abortion or to other complications of pregnancy. Except in four cases of slightly contracted pelvis, delivery was normal, though rather longer than in older primiparæ. Damage to the soft parts was, however, rare, and, when it occurred, in every case rapidly healed. The average weight of the child was 3,039 grammes, or nearly 6¾ pounds. It may be noted that most observers find that very early pregnancies occur in women who begin to menstruate at an unusually early age, that is, some years before the early pregnancy occurs. It is clear, however, that young mothers do remarkably well, while there is no doubt whatever that they bear unusually fine infants. Kleinwächter, indeed, found that the younger the mother, the bigger the child. It is not only physically that the children of young mothers are superior. Marro has found (_Pubertà_, p. 257) that the children of mothers under 21 are superior to those of older mothers both in conduct and intelligence, provided the fathers are not too old or too young. The detailed records of individual cases confirm these results, both as regards mother and child. Thus, Milner (_Lancet_, June 7, 1902) records a case of pregnancy in a girl of fourteen; the labor pains were very mild, and delivery was easy. E.B. Wales, of New Jersey, has recorded the history (reproduced in _Medical Reprints_, Sept. 15, 1890) of a colored girl who became pregnant at the age of eleven. She was of medium size, rather tall and slender, but well developed, and began to menstruate at the age of ten. She was in good health and spirits during pregnancy, and able to work. Delivery was easy and natural, not notably prolonged, and apparently not unduly painful, for there were no moans or agitation. The child was a fine, healthy boy, weighing not less than eleven pounds. Mother and child both did well, and there was a great flow of milk. Whiteside Robertson (_British Medical Journal_, Jan. 18, 1902) has recorded a case of pregnancy at the age of thirteen, in a Colonial girl of British origin in Cape Colony, which is notable from other points of view. During pregnancy, she was anæmic, and appeared to be of poor development and doubtfully normal pelvic conformation. Yet delivery took place naturally, at full term, without difficulty or injury, and the lying-in period was in every way satisfactory. The baby was well-proportioned, and weighed 7½ pounds. "I have rarely seen a primipara enjoy easier labor," concluded Robertson, "and I have never seen one look forward to the happy realization of motherhood with greater satisfaction." The facts brought forward by obstetricians concerning the good results of early pregnancy, as regards both mother and child, have not yet received the attention they deserve. They are, however, confirmed by many general tendencies which are now fairly well recognized. The significant fact is known, for instance, that in mothers over thirty, the proportion of abortions and miscarriages is twice as great as in mothers between the ages of fifteen and twenty, who also are superior in this respect to mothers between the ages of twenty and thirty (_Statistischer Jahrbuch_, Budapest, 1905). It was, again, proved by Matthews Duncan, in his Goulstonian lecture, that the chances of sterility in a woman increase with increase of age. It has, further, been shown (Kisch, _Sexual Life of Woman_, Part II) that the older a woman at marriage, the greater the average interval before the first delivery, a tendency which seems to indicate that it is the very young woman who is in the condition most apt for procreation; Kisch is not, indeed, inclined to think that this applies to women below twenty, but the fact, observed by other obstetricians, that mothers under eighteen tend to become pregnant again at an unusually short interval, goes far to neutralize the exception made by Kisch. It may also be pointed out that, among children of very young mothers, the sexes are more nearly equal in number than is the case with older mothers. This would seem to indicate that we are here in presence of a normal equilibrium which will decrease as the age of the mother is progressively disturbed in an abnormal direction. The facility of parturition at an early age, it may be noted, corresponds to an equal facility in physical sexual intercourse, a fact that is often overlooked. In Russia, where marriage still takes place early, it was formerly common when the woman was only twelve or thirteen, and Guttceit (_Dreissig Jahre Praxis_, vol. i, p. 324) says that he was assured by women who married at this age that the first coitus presented no especial difficulties. There is undoubtedly, at the present time, a considerable amount of prejudice against early motherhood. In part, this is due to a failure to realize that women are sexually much more precocious than men, physically as well as psychically (see _ante_ p. 35). The difference is about five years. This difference has been virtually recognized for thousands of years, in the ancient belief that the age of election for procreation is about twenty, or less, for women, but about twenty-five for men; and it has more lately been affirmed by the discovery that, while the male is never capable of generation before thirteen, the female may, in occasional instances, become pregnant at eight. (Some of the recorded examples are quoted by Kisch.) In part, also, there is an objection to the assumption of responsibilities so serious as those of motherhood by a young girl, and there is the very reasonable feeling that the obligations of a permanent marriage tie ought not to be undertaken at an early age. On the other hand, apart from the physical advantages, as regards both mother and infant, on the side of early pregnancies, it is an advantage for the child to have a young mother, who can devote herself sympathetically and unreservedly to its interests, instead of presenting the pathetic spectacle we so often witness in the middle-aged woman who turns to motherhood when her youth and mental flexibility are gone, and her habits and tastes have settled into other grooves; it has sometimes been a great blessing even to the very greatest men, like Goethe, to have had a youthful mother. It would also, in many cases, be a great advantage for the woman herself if she could bring her procreative life to an end well before the age of twenty-five, so that she could then, unhampered by child-bearing and mature in experience, be free to enter on such wider activities in the world as she might be fitted for. Such an arrangement of the procreative life of women would, obviously, only be a variation, and would probably be unsuited for the majority. Every case must be judged on its own merits. The best age for procreation will probably continue to be regarded as being, for most women, around the age of twenty. But at a time like the present, when there is an unfortunate tendency for motherhood to be unduly delayed, it becomes necessary to insist on the advantages, in many cases, of early motherhood. There are other conditions favorable or unfavorable to procreation which it is now unnecessary to discuss in detail, since they have already been incidentally dealt with in previous volumes of these _Studies_. There is, for instance, the question of the time of year and the time of the menstrual cycle which may most properly be selected for procreation.[466] The best period is probably that when sexual desire is strongest, which is the period when conception would appear, as a matter of fact, most often to occur. This would be in spring or early summer,[467] and immediately after (or shortly before) the menstrual period. The Chinese have observed that the last day of menstruation and the two following days--corresponding to the period of oestrus--constitute the most favorable time for fecundation, and Bossi, of Genoa, has found that the great majority of successes in both natural and artificial fecundation occur at this period.[468] Soranus, as well as the Talmud, assigned the period about menstruation as the best for impregnation, and Susruta, the Indian physician, said that at this time pregnancy most readily occurs because then the mouth of the womb is open, like the flower of the water-lily to the sunshine. We have now at last reached the point from which we started, the moment of conception, and the child again lies in its mother's womb. There remains no more to be said. The divine cycle of life is completed. FOOTNOTES: [421] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 330. [422] Academy of Medicine of Paris, March 31, 1908. [423] _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_, vol. ii, p. 405. [424] _Population and Progress_, p. 41. [425] Cf. Reibmayr, _Entwicklungsgeschichte des Talentes und Genics_, Bd. II, p. 31. [426] "The debt that we owe to those who have gone before us," says Haycraft (_Darwinism and Race Progress_, p. 160), "we can only repay to those who come after us." [427] Mardrus, _Les Mille Nuits_, vol. xvi, p. 158. [428] Sidney Webb, _Popular Science Monthly_, 1906, p. 526 (previously published in the _London Times_, Oct. 11, 16, 1906). In Ch. IX of the present volume it has already been necessary to discuss the meaning of the term, "morality." [429] Thus, in Paris, in 1906, in the rich quarters, the birthrate per 1,000 inhabitants was 19.09; in well-to-do quarters, 22.51; and in poor quarters, 29.70. Here we see that, while the birthrate falls and rises with social class, even among the poor and least restrained class the birthrate is still but little above the general average for England, where prevention is widespread, and very considerably lower than the average (now rapidly falling) in Germany. It is evident that even among the poor class there is a process of leveling up to the higher classes in this matter. [430] I have developed these points more in detail in two articles in the _Independent Review_, November, 1903, and April, 1904. See also, Bushee, "The Declining Birthrate and Its Causes," _Popular Science Monthly_, Aug., 1903. [431] Francis Place, _Illustrations and Proofs of the Principle of Population_, 1822, p. 165. [432] See, e.g., a weighty chapter in the _Sexualleben und Nervenleiden_ of Löwenfeld, one of the most judicious authorities on sexual pathology. Twenty-five years ago, as many will remember, the medical student was usually taught that preventive methods of intercourse led to all sorts of serious results. At that time, however, reckless and undesirable methods of prevention seem to have been more prevalent than now. [433] Michael Ryan, _Philosophy of Marriage_, p. 9. To enable "the conservative power of the Creator" to exert itself on the myriads of germinal human beings secreted during his life-time by even one man, would require a world full of women, while the corresponding problem as regards a woman is altogether too difficult to cope with. The process by which life has been built up, far from being a process of universal conservation, has been a process of stringent selection and vast destruction; the progress effected by civilization merely lies in making this blind process intelligent. [434] Thus, in Belgium, in 1908 (_Sexual-Probleme_, Feb., 1909, p. 136), a physician (Dr. Mascaux) who had been prominent in promoting a knowledge of preventive methods of conception, was condemned to three months imprisonment for "offense against morality!" In such a case, Dr. Helene Stöcker comments (_Die Neue Generation_, Jan., 1909, p. 7), "morality" is another name for ignorance, timidity, hypocrisy, prudery, coarseness, and lack of conscience. It must be remembered, however, in explanation of this iniquitous judgment, that for some years past the clerical party has been politically predominant in Belgium. [435] It has been objected that the condom cannot be used by the very poorest, on account of its cost, but Hans Ferdy, in a detailed paper (_Sexual-Probleme_, Dec., 1908), shows that the use of the condom can be brought within the means of the very poorest, if care is taken to preserve it under water when not in use. Nyström (_Sexual Probleme_, Nov., 1908, p. 736) has issued a leaflet for the benefit of his patients and others, recommending the condom, and explaining its use. [436] Thus, Kisch, in his _Sexual Life of Woman_, after discussing fully the various methods of prevention, decides in favor of the condom. Fürbringer similarly (Senator and Kaminer, _Health and Disease in Relation to Marriage_, vol. i, pp. 232 et seq.) concludes that the condom is "relatively the most perfect anti-conceptual remedy." Forel (_Die Sexuelle Frage_, pp. 457 et seq.) also discusses the question at length; any æsthetic objection to the condom, Forel adds (p. 544), is due to the fact that we are not accustomed to it; "eye-glasses are not specially æsthetic, but the poetry of life does not suffer excessively from their use, which, in many cases, cannot be dispensed with." [437] _L'Avortement_, p. 43. [438] There are some disputed points in Roman law and practice concerning abortion; they are discussed in Balestrini's valuable book, _Aborto_, pp. 30 et seq. [439] Augustine, _De Civitate Dei_, Bk. XXII, Ch. XIII. [440] The development of opinion and law concerning abortion has been traced by Eugène Bausset, _L'Avortement Criminel_, Thèse de Paris, 1907. For a summary of the practices of different peoples regarding abortion, see W.G. Sumner, _Folkways_, Ch. VIII. [441] _Die Neue Generation_, May, 1908, p. 192. It may be added that in England the attachment of any penalty at all to abortion, practiced in the early months of pregnancy (before "quickening" has taken place), is merely a modern innovation. [442] Even Balestrini, who is opposed to the punishment of abortion, is no advocate of it. "Whenever abortion becomes a social custom," he remarks (op. cit., p. 191), "it is the external manifestation of a people's decadence, and far too deeply rooted to be cured by the mere attempt to suppress the external manifestation." [443] Cf. Ellen Key, _Century of the Child_, Ch. I. Hirth (_Wege zur Heimat_, p. 526) is likewise opposed to the encouragement of abortion, though he would not actually punish the pregnant woman who induces abortion. I would especially call attention to an able and cogent article by Anna Pappritz ("Die Vernichtung des Keimenden Lebens," _Sexual-Probleme_, July, 1909) who argues that the woman is not the sole guardian of the embryo she bears, and that it is not in the interests of society, nor even in her own interests, that she should be free to destroy it at will. Anna Pappritz admits that the present barbarous laws in regard to abortion must be modified, but maintains that they should not be abolished. She proposes (1) a greatly reduced punishment for abortion; (2) this punishment to be extended to the father, whether married or unmarried (a provision already carried out in Norway, both for abortion and infanticide); (3) permission to the physician to effect abortion when there is good reason to suspect hereditary degeneration, as well as when the woman has been impregnated by force. [444] Cf. Dr. Max Hirsch, _Sexual-Probleme_, Jan., 1908, p. 23. [445] Bausset (op. cit.) sets forth various social measures for the care of pregnant and child-bearing women, which would tend to lessen criminal abortion. [446] Gomperz, _Greek Thinkers_, vol. i, p. 564. [447] F.E. Daniel, President of the State Medical Association of Texas, "Should Insane Criminals or Sexual Perverts be Allowed to Procreate?" _Medico-legal Journal_, Dec., 1893; id., "The Cause and Prevention of Rape," _Texas Medical Journal_, May, 1904. [448] P. Näcke, "Die Kastration bei gewissen Klassen von Degenerirten als ein Wirksamer Socialer Schutz," _Archiv für Kriminal-Anthropologie_, Bd. III, 1899, p. 58; id. "Kastration in Gewissen Fällen von Geisteskrankheit," _Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Wochenschrift_, 1905, No. 29. [449] Angelo Zuccarelli, "Asessualizzazione o sterilizzazione dei Degenerati," _L'Anomalo_, 1898-99, No. 6; id., "Sur la nécessité et sur les Moyens d'empêcher la Réproduction des Hommes les plus Dégénérés," International Congress Criminal Anthropology, Amsterdam, 1901. [450] Näcke, _Neurologisches Centralblatt_, March 1, 1909. The original account of these operations is reproduced in the _Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Wochenschrift_, No. 2, 1909, with an approving comment by the editor, Dr. Bresler. As regards castration in America, see Flood, "Castration of Idiot Children," _American Journal Psychology_, Jan., 1899; also, _Alienist and Neurologist_, Aug., 1909, p. 348. [451] It is probable that castration may prove especially advantageous in the case of the feeble-minded. "In Somersetshire," says Tredgold ("The Feeble-Mind as a Social Danger," _Eugenics Review_, July, 1909), "I found that out of a total number of 167 feeble-minded women, nearly two-fifths (61) had given birth to children, for the most part illegitimate. Moreover, it is not uncommon, but, rather the rule, for these poor girls to be admitted into the workhouse maternity wards again and again, and the average number of offspring to each one of them is probably three or four, although even six is not uncommon." In his work on _Mental Deficiency_ (pp. 288-292) the same author shows that propagation by the mentally deficient is, in England, "both a terrible and extensive evil." [452] This example is brought forward by Ledermann, "Skin Diseases and Marriage," in Senator and Kaminer, _Health and Disease in Relation to Marriage_. [453] I may here again refer to Lea's instructive _History of Sacerdotal Celibacy_. [454] In England, 35,000 applicants for admission to the navy are annually rejected, and although the physical requirements for enlistment in the army are nowadays extremely moderate, it is estimated by General Maurice that at least sixty per cent. of recruits and would-be recruits are dismissed as unfit. (See e.g., William Coates, "The Duty of the Medical Profession in the Prevention of National Deterioration," _British Medical Journal_, May 1, 1909.) It can scarcely be claimed that men who are not good enough for the army are good enough for the great task of creating the future race. [455] The recognition of epilepsy as a bar to procreation is not recent. There is said to be a record in the archives of the town of Luçon in which epilepsy was adjudged to be a valid reason for the cancellation of a betrothal (_British Medical Journal_, Feb. 14, 1903, p. 383). [456] _British Medical Journal_, April 14, 1906. In California and some other States, it appears that deceit regarding health is a ground for the annulment of marriage. [457] Sir F. Galton, _Inquiries Into Human Faculty_, Everyman's Library edition, pp. 211 et seq.; cf. Galton's collected _Essays in Eugenics_, recently published by the Eugenics Education Society. [458] For some account of the methods and results of the work in schools, see Bertram C.A. Windle, "Anthropometric Work in Schools," _Medical Magazine_, Feb., 1894. [459] The most notable steps in this direction have been taken in Germany. For an account of the experiment at Karlsruhe, see _Die Neue Generation_, Dec., 1908. [460] Wiethknudsen (as quoted in _Sexual-Probleme_, Dec., 1908, p. 837) speaks strongly, but not too strongly, concerning the folly of any indiscriminate endowment of procreation. [461] On the scientific side, in addition to the fruitful methods of statistical biometrics, which have already been mentioned, much promise attaches to work along the lines initiated by Mendel; see W. Bateson, _Mendel's Principles of Heredity_, 1909; also, W.H. Lock, _Recent Progress in the Study of Variation, Heredity, and Evolution_, and R.C. Punnett, _Mendelism_, 1907 (American edition, with interesting preface by Gaylord Wilshire, from the Socialistic point of view, 1909). [462] The study of the right conditions for procreation is very ancient. In modern times we find that even the very first French medical book in the vulgar tongue, the _Régime du Corps_, written by Alebrand of Florence (who was physician to the King of France), in 1256, is largely devoted to this matter, concerning which it gives much sound advice. See J.B. Soalhat, _Les Idées de Maistre Alebrand de Florence sur la Puériculture_, Thèse de Paris, 1908. [463] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, II, 690-700. [464] This has long been the accepted opinion of medical authorities, as may be judged by the statements brought together two centuries ago by Schurig, _Parthenologia_, pp. 22-25. [465] The statement that, on the average, the best age for procreation in men is before, rather than after, forty, by no means assumes the existence of any "critical" age in men analogous to the menopause in women. This is sometimes asserted, but there is no agreement in regard to it. Restif de la Bretonne (_Monsieur Nicolas_, vol. x, p. 176) said that at the age of forty delicacy of sentiment begins to go. Fürbringer believes (Senator and Kaminer, _Health and Disease in Relation to Marriage_, vol. i, p. 222) that there is a decisive turn in a man's life in the sixth decade, or the middle of the fifth, when desire and potency diminish. J.F. Sutherland also states (_Comptes-rendus Congrès International de Médecine_, 1900, Section de Psychiatrie, p. 471) that there is, in men, about the fifty-fifth year, a change analogous to the menopause in women, but only in a certain proportion of men. It would appear that in most men the decline of sexual feeling and potency is very gradual, and at first manifests itself in increased power of control. [466] See, in vol. i, the study of "The Phenomena of Sexual Periodicity." [467] Among animals, also, spring litters are often said to be the best. [468] Bossi's results are summarized in _Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle_, Sept., 1891. Alebrand of Florence, the French King's physician in the thirteenth century, also advised intercourse a day after the end of menstruation. POSTSCRIPT. "The work that I was born to do is done," a great poet wrote when at last he had completed his task. And although I am not entitled to sing any _Nunc dimittis_, I am well aware that the task that has occupied the best part of my life can have left few years and little strength for any work that comes after. It is more than thirty years ago since the first resolve to write the work now here concluded began to shape itself, still dimly though insistently; the period of study and preparation occupied over fifteen years, ending with the publication of _Man and Woman_, put forward as a prolegomenon to the main work which, in the writing and publication, has occupied the fifteen subsequent years. It was perhaps fortunate for my peace that I failed at the outset to foresee all the perils that beset my path. I knew indeed that those who investigate severely and intimately any subject which men are accustomed to pass by on the other side lay themselves open to misunderstanding and even obloquy. But I supposed that a secluded student who approached vital social problems with precaution, making no direct appeal to the general public, but only to the public's teachers, and who wrapped up the results of his inquiries in technically written volumes open to few, I supposed that such a student was at all events secure from any gross form of attack on the part of the police or the government under whose protection he imagined that he lived. That proved to be a mistake. When only one volume of these _Studies_ had been written and published in England, a prosecution, instigated by the government, put an end to the sale of that volume in England, and led me to resolve that the subsequent volumes should not be published in my own country. I do not complain. I am grateful for the early and generous sympathy with which my work was received in Germany and the United States, and I recognize that it has had a wider circulation, both in English and the other chief languages of the world, than would have been possible by the modest method of issue which the government of my own country induced me to abandon. Nor has the effort to crush my work resulted in any change in that work by so much as a single word. With help, or without it, I have followed my own path to the end. For it so happens that I come on both sides of my house from stocks of Englishmen who, nearly three hundred years ago, had encountered just these same difficulties and dangers before. In the seventeenth century, indeed, the battle was around the problem of religion, as to-day it is around the problem of sex. Since I have of late years realized this analogy I have often thought of certain admirable and obscure men who were driven out, robbed, and persecuted, some by the Church because the spirit of Puritanism moved within them, some by the Puritans because they clung to the ideals of the Church, yet both alike quiet and unflinching, both alike fighting for causes of freedom or of order in a field which has now for ever been won. That victory has often seemed of good augury to the perhaps degenerate child of these men who has to-day sought to maintain the causes of freedom and of order in another field. It sometimes seems, indeed, a hopeless task to move the pressure of inert prejudices which are at no point so obstinate as this of sex. It may help to restore the serenity of our optimism if we would more clearly realize that in a very few generations all these prejudices will have perished and be forgotten. He who follows in the steps of Nature after a law that was not made by man, and is above and beyond man, has time as well as eternity on his side, and can afford to be both patient and fearless. Men die, but the ideas they seek to kill live. Our books may be thrown to the flames, but in the next generation those flames become human souls. The transformation is effected by the doctor in his consulting room, by the teacher in the school, the preacher in the pulpit, the journalist in the press. It is a transformation that is going on, slowly but surely, around us. I am well aware that many will not feel able to accept the estimate of the sexual situation as here set forth, more especially in the final volume. Some will consider that estimate too conservative, others too revolutionary. For there are always some who passionately seek to hold fast to the past; there are always others who passionately seek to snatch at what they imagine to be the future. But the wise man, standing midway between both parties and sympathizing with each, knows that we are ever in the stage of transition. The present is in every age merely the shifting point at which past and future meet, and we can have no quarrel with either. There can be no world without traditions; neither can there be any life without movement. As Heracleitus knew at the outset of modern philosophy, we cannot bathe twice in the same stream, though, as we know to-day, the stream still flows in an unending circle. There is never a moment when the new dawn is not breaking over the earth, and never a moment when the sunset ceases to die. It is well to greet serenely even the first glimmer of the dawn when we see it, not hastening towards it with undue speed, nor leaving the sunset without gratitude for the dying light that once was dawn. In the moral world we are ourselves the light-bearers, and the cosmic process is in us made flesh. For a brief space it is granted to us, if we will, to enlighten the darkness that surrounds our path. As in the ancient torch-race, which seemed to Lucretius to be the symbol of all life, we press forward torch in hand along the course. Soon from behind comes the runner who will outpace us. All our skill lies in giving into his hand the living torch, bright and unflickering, as we ourselves disappear in the darkness. HAVELOCK ELLIS. INDEX OF AUTHORS. Abdias Achery Acton Adam, Mme. Adler, Felix Adler, O. Adner Aguilaniedo Alebrand Alexander, Dr. H. Alexandre, Alcide Allée, A. Allen, L.M. Allen, Mary W. Ambrose, St. Amélineau Ammon Amram, D.W. Angela de Fulginio Angus, H.C. Anstie Aquinas Ardu Arendt, Henrietta Aretino Aristotle Aronstam Ascarilla Aschaffenburg Astengo Astor, Mary Astruc Athanasius Athenæus Audry Augagneur Augustine, St. Aurientis Ayala Bacchimont Bachaumont Badley, J.H. Baelz Baer, K.M. Baker, Smith Balestrini Ballantyne, Dr. Ballantyne, Miss H. Balls-Headley Balzac Bangs, L.B. Bartels, Max Basedow Basil, St. Bateson Baumgarten Bausset Bax, Belfort Bazan, Emilia Pardo Beadnell, C.M. Beddoes Bedollière Bell, Sanford Benecke Benedikt Bentzon, Mme. Bérault, G. Berg, Leo Bernard, St. Berry, F. Bertherand Bertillon Besant, Mrs. Beza Bierhoff Birnbaum Bishop, G.P. Bishop, Mrs. Blacker Blake, William Blandford Blaschko Bloch, Iwan Bluhm, Agnes Blumreich Boccaccio Bohier Bois, Jules Boissier, de Sauvages Bollinger Bölsche Bonger Bongi, S. Bonhoeffer Boniface, St. Bonnifield Bonstetten Booth, C. Booth, D.S. Bossi Bouchacourt Bougainville Bourget Bouvier Boyle, F. Brachet Braun, Lily Brénier de Montmorand Brénot, H. Breuer Brieux Brinton Brouardel Brougham Lord Brown, Dr. Charlotte Bruns, Ivo Brynmor-Jones Bucer Budge, A.W. Buffon Bulkley, D. Büller Bumm Bunge Burchard Burdach Buret Burnet Burton, Sir R. Burton, Robert Busch Bushee Butler, G. Butterfield Byers Cabanis Caird, Mona Callari Calvin Calza Canudo Capitaine Caron Carpenter, Edward Casanova Caspari Cataneus Cattell, J. McKeen Caufeynon Cazalis Chaignon Chambers, E.K. Chambers, W.G. Chapman, G. Chapman, J. Cheetham Cheng, Mme. Cheyne Child, May Chotzen, M. Chrysostom Cicero Ciuffo Clapperton, Miss Clappier Clarke Clement of Alexandria Clement E. Cleveland, C. Clouston Coates, W. Codrington, R.W. Coghlan Colombey Coltman Commenge Cook, G.W. Cook, Capt. J. Cooper, A. Cope, E.D. Correa, Roman Coryat Crackanthorpe Cranmer Crawley, A.E. Crocker Curr Gushing, W. Cyples Daniel, F.E. Dareste Dargun Darmesteter, J. Darricarrère Darwin Daudet, A. D'Aulnoy, Mme. Daya, W. Debreyne D'Enjoy, Paul Dens Deodhar, Mrs. Kashibai Descartes Despine Després Dessoir, Max Diaz de Isla Diday Diderot Digby, Sir K. Dill Dluska, Mme. Dodd, Catherine Doléris Donaldson, Principal Donnay Drysdale, C.R. Drysdale, G. Duclaux Dühren, _see_ Bloch, Iwan. Dufour, P. Dukes Dulaure Dulberg Dumas, G. Duncan, Matthews Dunnett Dunning Dupouey Durkheim Durlacher Dyer, I. Edgar, J. Clifton Egbert, S. Ehrenfels, C. von Elliot, G.F.S. Ellis, Sir A.B. Ellis, Havelock Ellis, William Elmy, Ben., _see_ Ethelmer, Ellis. Enderlin, Max Engelmann Ennius Enzensberger Erb Erhard, F. Escherich Esmein Espy de Metz Ethelmer, Ellis Eulenburg Evans, Mrs. Grainger Farnell Farrer, R.T. Federow Ferdy, H. Féré Ferrand Ferrero, G. Ferriani Fiaschi Fiaux Fielding Finger Fischer, W. Fitchett Flesch, Max Flogel Flood Forberg Forel Fornasari Fothergill, J.M. Fouquet Fournier Fox, G. Fracastorus Fraser, Mrs. Frazer, J.G. Freeman French, H.C. Freud Friedjung Friedländer Fuchs, N. Funk, W. Fürbringer Fürth, Henriette Gache Gaedeken Gallard Galton, Sir F. Gardiner, J.S. Garrison, C.G. Gaultier, J. de Gautier, L. Geary, N. Gennep, A. Van Gérard Gerhard, Adele Gerhard, W. Gerson, A. Gesell Gibb, W.T. Gibbon Giles, A.E. Giles, H.A. Gillard, E. Gillen Gilles de la Tourette Ginnell Giuffrida-Ruggeri Glück, L. Godard Godfrey, J.A. Godwin, W. Goethe Gomperz Goncourt Goodchild, F.M. Goring Gottheil Gottschling Gourmont, Remy de Graef, R. de Graf, A. Grandin Green, C.M. Gregory the Great Gregory of Nazianzen Gregory of Nyssa Gregory of Tours Gregory M. Griesinger Gross Gross, H. Grosse Gulick, L.H. Gurlitt, L. Gury Guttceit Guyau Guyot Gyurkovechky Haddon, A.C. Hagelstange Hale Hall, A. Hall, Stanley Hall, W. Haller Hamilton, A. Hammer Hammond, W.A. Hamon, A. Hard, Hedwig Hardy, Thomas Harris, A. Harrison, F. Hartland, E.S. Harwood, W.L. Haskovec Haslam, J. Hausmeister, P. Havelburg Hawkesworth Haycraft Hayes, P.J. Haynes, E.S.P. Hegar Heidenhain, A. Heidingsfeld Heimann Hellmann Hellpach Helme, T.A. Helvétius Herbert, Auberon Herman, G. Hermant, A. Herodotus Heron Hesiod Hiller Hinton Hirsch, Max Hirschfeld, Magnus Hirth, G. Hobhouse, L.T. Hobson, J.A. Hoffmann, E. Holbach Holder, A.B. Holmes, T. Holt, R.B. Hopkins, Ellice Hort Houzel Howard, G.B. Howitt, A.W. Hudrey-Menos, J. Hughes, C.H. Humboldt, W. Von Hutchinson, Sir J. Hutchinson, Woods Hyde, J.N. Hyrtl Inderwick Ivens, F. Jacobi, Mary P. Jacobsohn, L. Janet Janke Jastrow, M. Jeannel Jellinek, C. Jentsch, K. Jerome, H. John of Salisbury Jones, Sir W. Jullien Kaan Kalbeck Karin, Karina Keller, G. Kelly, H.A. Kennedy, Helen Key, Ellen Keyes, E.L. Kiernan Kind, A. Kingsley, C. Kirk, E.B. Kisch Klotz Knott, J. Kossmann Kowalewsky, Sophie Krafft-Ebing Krauss, F.S. Krukenberg, Frau Kubary Kullberg Kurella Lacroix, P. Lafargue, Paul La Jeunesse, E. Lallemand Lambkin Lancaster Landor Landret Langsdorf Lapie Laplace Lasco, John à Lauvergne Laycock Lea Lecky Lederer Ledermann Lee, Sidney Lefebvre, A. Legg, J.W. Lemonnier, C. Lenkei Lepage Letourneux Lévy-Bruhl Lewis, Denslow Lewitt Leyboff Lilienthal Lindsey, B.B. Lippert Lischnewska, Maria Liszt Livingstone, W.P. Lock, W.H. Logan Lombroso Löwenfeld Lowndes Lucas, Clement Lucretius Lumholtz Luther Lydston Lyttelton, E. Maberly, G.C. MacMurchy, Dr. Helen Macvie Madam, M. Maeterlinck Magruder, J. Maillard-Brune Maine Maitland Malthus Mandeville, B. Mannhardt Mantegazza, A. Mantegazza, P. Marçais Marchesini Marcuse, J. Marcuse, M. Margueritte, P. Margueritte, V. Marholm, L. Marro Martindale, Miss Martineau Marx, V. Massalongo Masson Mathews, A. Mathews, R.H. Matignon Maudsley Maurice, General Mayor Mayreder, Rosa McBride, G.H. McCleary, G.F. McIlquham Melancthon Menger, A. von Menjago Mensinga Meredith, G. Mérimée Merrick Metchnikoff Meyer-Benfey, H. Meyer, Bruno Meyer, E.H. Meyrick Michelet Michels, R. Migne Mill, J. Mill, J.S. Millais, J.G. Miller, Noyes Miln, L.J. Milner Milton Möbius Molinari, G. de Moll Mönkemöller Montaigne Montesquieu Montmorency Mookerji Moore, Samson Morasso More, Sir T. Moreau, Christophe Morley, Lord Morley, Margaret Morris, William Morrow Mortimer, G. Moryson, Fynes Mott, F.W. Multatuli Münsterberg Murray, Gilbert Mylott Näcke Naumann, F. Nefzaoui Neisser Neugebauer Newman, G. Newsholme, A. Niessen, Max von Nietzold Nietzsche Niven Noble, M. Noggerath Northcote, Rev. H. Notthaft Noyes, J.H. Nyström Obersteiner Obici Odo of Cluny Oefele Okamura Olberg, Oda Omer, Haleby Ostwald, H. Ott Ovid Owen, R.D. Paget, Sir J. Palladius Pappritz, Anna Parent-Duchâtelet Paré Parsons, E.C. Parsons, J. Patmore, C. Paton, Noel Paul, Dr. H. Paulucci de Calboli Paulus Pearson, K. Péchin Pepys Pernet Perruc Perry-Coste Petermann, J. Petrie, Flinders Picard Pike Pinard Pinkus Pinloche Place, Francis Plato Plarr, V. Plautus Playfair, Sir W.S. Ploss Plutarch Pole, M.T. Pollack, Flora Pollock, Sir F. Potter, M.A. Potton Power, D'Arcy Powys Prat Price, J. Prevost, M. Prinzing Probst-Biraben Proksch Pudor Punnett Pyke, Rafford Querlon, Meusnier de Quirós, C. Bernaldo de Rabelais Rabutaux Raciborski Radbruch Ramdohr Ramsay, Sir W.M. Rasmussen Ratramnus Redlich Reed, C. Régnier, H. de Reibmayr Reinhard Remo, P. Remondino Renan Renooz, Céline Renouf, C. Renouvier Restif de la Bretonne Reuss Reuther, F. Revillout Rhys, Sir J. Ribbing Ribot Rich, H. Richard, C. Richard, E. Richmond, Mrs. Ennis Ritter, Dr. Mary Robert, U. Robertson, W. Robinovitch, L. Rogers, Anna Rohde Rohleder Rolfincius Rosenberg Rosenthal Rousseau Routh Rudeck Rufinus Tyrannius Ruggles, W. Rüling, Anna Ruskin Russell, Mrs. Bertrand Rust, H. Rutgers Ryan, M. Ryckère, E. de Sabine, J.K. Sacher-Masoch, Wanda von Sainte-Beuve Saleeby Salimbene Salvat Sanborn, Lura Sanchez, T. Sandoz, F. Sanger Sarraute-Lourié, Mme. Schäfenacker Schaudinn Schlegel, F. Schmid, Marie von Schmidt, R. Schneider, C.K. Schopenhauer Schrader, O. Schrank Schreiber, Adele Schreiner, Olive Schrempf Schrenck-Notzing Schroeder, E.A. Schroeder, T. Schultz, Alwyn Schultze-Malkowsky, E. Schurig Schurtz, H. Schwalbe Scott, Colin Scott, J.F. Ségur Seligmann Sellman, W.A.B. Sénancour Seneca Séropian Sévigné, Mme. de Seymour, H.J. Shakespeare Shaw, G.B. Shebbeare, Rev. C.J. Shelley Sherwell Shufeldt Sidgwick, H. Sidis, Boris Sieroshevski Simmel Simon, Helene Sinclair, Sir W. Smith, Robertson Soalhat Somerset, Lady Henry Sommer, R. Soranus Spencer, Baldwin Spencer, Herbert Spitta Stanmore, Lord Stefanowski Stefánsson Stevenson, R.L. Stevenson, T.H.C. Stöcker, Helene Strampff Stratz, C.H. Streitberg, Gräfin Ströhmberg Sturge, Miss Suidas Sullivan, W.C. Sumner, W.G. Susruta Sutherland, J.F. Sutherland, W.D. Sykes, J.F.J. Tait, W. Talbot, E.S. Tammeo Tarde Tarnowsky, Pauline Taylor, R.W. Tenney Tennyson Terman, L.M. Tertullian Theresa, W. Thomas, A.W. Thomas, N.W. Thomas, Prof. W. Thomson, J.A. Thoreau Thuasne Tilt Tobler Todhunter Tolstoy Tout, C. Hill Traill Tredgold Trewby Troll-Borostyáni I. von Trollope, A. Turnbull Ulpian Ungewitter Unna Urquhart Vacher de Lapouge Valentino Valera Vanderkiste Varendonck Vatsyayana Vaux, Rev. J.E. Velden, Van den Velten Venette Veniero Vickery, A. Drysdale Vinay Vinci, L. de Vines, Miss Virchow Vitrey Voltaire Vries, de Wächter Wagner, C. Wahrmund Wales, E.B. Walter, J. von Ward, Lester Wardlaw, R. Warker, Van de Warren, M.A. Wasserschleben Watkins Webb, Sidney Weinberg Weininger Welander Welch, F.H. Wells, H.G. Werthauer Wessmann Westermarck Wharton Wheeler, C.B. Wheeler, Mrs. Whitaker, Nellie C. Whitman, Walt Wiedow Wilcox, Ella W. Wilhelm William of Malmsbury Williams, Dawson Williams, Hugh Williams, W. Roger Windle, C.A. Wollstonecraft, M. Yule, G. Adney Zacchia Zache Zanzinger, E. Zeno Zoroaster Zuccarelli INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Abortion, arguments against modern advocates of the practice of Abstinence, alleged evil results of alleged good results of as a preparation for marriage criticism of conception of intermediate views of moral results of sexual, in relation to chastity the problems of Abyssinia, prostitution in sexual initiation in Achilleus and Nereus, legend of Adultery Africa, chastity on West Coast of Alcohol, as a sexual stimulant in pregnancy in relation to the orgy Alexander VI and courtesans Ambil anak Marriage America, divorce in marriage in prostitution in American Indians, appreciate asceticism sexual initiation among their Sabbath orgies words for love among Aphrodite Pandemos Art in relation to sexual impulse Asceticism among early Christians appreciated by savages definition of in religion later degeneracy of value of Ascetics, attitude towards sex of mediæval Aspasia Athletics for women Aucassin et Nicolette Australia, marriage system in saturnalian festivals in sexual initiation in Auvergne, story of the Two Lovers of Azimba Land, sexual initiation in Babies, children's theories on the origin of Babylonia, high status of women in religious prostitution in Bawenda, sexual initiation among Beena marriage Beethoven Behn, Aphra Belgium, prostitution in Bestial, human sexual impulse not Bible in relation to sexual education Biometrics Birth, civilized tendency to premature Birthrate, decline of Blindness in relation to gonorrhoea Botany in sexual education Bredalbane case Breed _versus_ nurture Bride-price Brothel, decay of in ancient Rome in the East mediæval modern defence of modern regulation of origin of Bundling Burmah, prostitution in Canon law, defects of its importance origin of persistence of its traditions sound kernel of Carlyle Carnival, origin of Castration, modern developments of the practice of Chastity among early Christians definition of girdle of in modern Fiji in what sense a virtue modern attitude towards Protestant attitude towards romantic literature of the function of Child, as foundation of marriage characteristics of eldest born its need of two parents Childhood, sexual activity in sexual teaching in China, divorce in prostitution in Chivalry on position of women, influence of Christianity, attitude towards chastity attitude towards lust attitude towards nakedness failed to recognize importance of art of love its influence on position of women on marriage mixed attitude towards sexual impulse towards prostitution towards seduction Civilization and prostitution and the sexual impulse Coitus, _a posteriori_ best time for during pregnancy ethnic variations in excess in injuries due to unskilful _interruptus_ morbid horror of needs to be taught prayer before proper frequency of religious significance of _reservatus_ Collusion, doctrine of Conception, conditions of prevention of Concubine Condom Conjugal rights or rites Consent, age of Consultation de Nourrisson Contract, marriage as a Corinth, prostitution at Country life and sexuality Courtesan, origin of term Courtship, the art of Criminality in relation to prostitution Cyprus, prostitution at Dancing, hygienic value of as an orgy D'Aragona, Tullia Divorce, by mutual consent causes for in ancient Rome in ancient Wales in China in England in France in Germany in Japan in Russia in Switzerland in United States Milton's views on modern tendency of Protestant attitude towards question of damages for reform of tendency of legislation regarding transmission of venereal disease as a cause for Drama, modern function of the Dysmenorrhoea Economic factor, of marriage of prostitution Education in matters of sex for women Egypt, high status of women in Eldest born child, characteristics of England, marriage in prostitution in Erotic element in marriage Eskimo, divorce among sexual initiation among Eugenics false ideas of foundation by Galton importance of environment in relation to in relation to castration Noyes a pioneer in positive wide acceptance of principle of Excretory centers as affecting estimate of sexual impulse Exogamy, origin of Families and degeneracy, large Father in relation to family Fecundation, artificial Festivals, seasonal Fidus Fiji, chastity in Flirtation Fools, Feast of Fornication, theological doctrine of France, divorce in prostitution in Franco, Veronica Gallantry, the ancient conception of Geisha, the General paralysis and syphilis Genius, in relation to chastity in relation to love Germany, divorce in marriage in prostitution in Gestation, length of Girdle of chastity Girls, interest in sex matters masculine ideals of Girls, sex education of their need of sexual knowledge Gnostic elements in early Christian literature Goddesses in forefront of primitive pantheons Gonorrhoea, nature and results of _And see_ Venereal Diseases. Goutte de Lait Greeks, origin of their drama prudery among rarity of ideal sexual love among their attitude towards nakedness their conception of the orgy their erotic writings Group-marriage Gynæcocracy, alleged primitive Hetairæ Hindu attitude towards sex Holland, prostitution in Homosexuality among prostitutes Huddersfield scheme Hysteria Ideals of girls, masculine Illegitimacy in Germany Imperia Impotency in popular estimation Impurity, disastrous results of teaching feminine early Christian views of India, story of The Betrothed of sacred prostitution in Individualism and Socialism Infantile mortality in relation to suckling by mother in relation to syphilis Infantile sexuality Insanity and prostitution Intellectual work in relation to sexual activity in men in women Ireland, divorce in high status of women in ancient Italy, prostitution in Jamaica, results of free sexual unions in Japan, attitude towards love in automatic legitimation of children in divorce in prostitution in Jealousy Jesus Jews, as parents prostitution among ancient status of women among Judas Thomas's Acts Kadishtu Kant Korea, prostitution in Lactation Lectures on sexual hygiene Lenclos, Ninon de Love an essential part of marriage art of definition of difficulties of art of for more than one person future development of how far an illusion in childhood in relation to chastity inevitable mystery of its value for life testimonies to immense importance of Lust, in relation to love theological conception of Lydian prostitution Mahommedanism and prostitution and sanctity of sex its regard for chastity Male continence Malthus Mammary activity in infancy Manuals of sexual hygiene Maoris, results of loss of old faith among Marriage, advantages of early ambil anak and prostitution as a contract as a fact as a sacrament as an ethical sacrament beena by capture certificates for criticism of evolution of for a term of years from legal point of view in early Christian times in old English law in relation to eugenics in relation to morals in Rome independent of forms inferior forms of love as a factor of modern tendencies in regard to objections to early objects of procreation as a factor of Protestant attitude towards trial variations in order of Masturbation among prostitutes anxiety of boys about in relation to sexual abstinence Matriarchy, alleged primitive Matrilineal descent Mendelism Mendes, the rite at Menstruation, brought on by sexual excitement coitus during hygiene of instruction regarding Missionaries' attempt to impose European customs Modesty consistent with nakedness Monogamy Montanist element in early Christian literature Morality, meaning of the term Motherhood, early age of endowment of Mothers, duty to instruct daughters duty to suckle infant responsibility for their own procreative acts schools for the sexual teachers of children Mylitta, prostitution at temple of Mystery in matters of sex, evil of Nakedness, an alleged sexual stimulant as a prime tonic of life consistent with modesty educational value of hygienic value of in literature and art in mediæval Europe in relation to sexual education its moral value its spiritual value modern attitude towards Neo-Malthusianism Neurasthenia, sexual Newton New Zealand, result of decay of _tapu_ in sexual freedom in ancient Night-courtship customs Notification of Births Act venereal diseases Nurture _versus_ breed Nutrition compared to reproduction Obscenity, early Christian views of Orgy, among savages in classic times in mediæval Christianity its religious origin modern need of Oneida Community Ouled-Nail prostitution Ovarian irritation Ovid Penitentials, the Physician, alleged duty to prescribe sexual intercourse as a social reformer his place in sexual hygiene Platonic friendship Poetry in relation to sexual impulse Polygamy Precocity, sexual Pregnancy, among primitive peoples coitus during early hygiene of Premature birth Procreation, best age for best season for control of its place in marriage methods of control of the science of Promiscuity, theory of primitive Prostitutes, as artists as guardians of the home at the Renaissance attitudes towards bully in Austria in classic times in France in Italy injustice of social attitude towards number of servants who become psychic and physical characteristics tendency to homosexuality their motives for adopting avocation their sexual temperament under Christianity Prostitution, among savages as affected by Christianity as an equivalent of criminality causes of civilizational value of decay of State regulation of definition of economic factor of essentially unsatisfactory nature of in modern times in relation to marriage in the East moral justification of need for humanizing on the stage origin and development of present social attitude towards regulation of religious rise of secular to acquire marriage portion Protestantism, attitude towards prostitution Prudery in ancient times Puberty, initiation at, among savages sexual education at sexual hygiene at Puericulture Puritans, attitude towards unchastity towards marriage Quaker conception of marriage Rape, cannot be committed by husband on wife wedding night often a Religious prostitution Renaissance, prostitutes at the Reproduction compared to nutrition Responsibility in matters of sex, personal Rest, during pregnancy, importance of during menstruation Ring, origin of wedding Robert of Arbrissel Romantic literature of chastity love, late origin of Rome, attitude towards nakedness in ancient conception of the orgy in marriage in prostitution in status of women in Russia, divorce in sexual freedom in Sabbath orgy Sacrament, marriage as a Sacred prostitution Sale-marriage Savages, prostitution among rarity of love among sexual education among Scandinavian method of dealing with venereal diseases School, its place in sexual education Schools for mothers Seduction, early Church's attitude towards Servants frequently become prostitutes Sexual abstinence Sexual anæsthesia, a cause of Sexual education among savages and coitus and nakedness Sexual hygiene and art and literature and religion at puberty at school in childhood in relation to sexual abstinence Sexual innocence, value of Sexual morality Sexual neurasthenia Sexual physiology in education Sexual precocity Shakespeare in relation to sexual education Slavs, sexual freedom among Socialism and individualism Spain, prostitution in Stage, prostitution on the State, its interest in children nurseries Sterility in relation to gonorrhoea Stirpiculture causes of Stork legend of origin of babies Suckling in relation to puericulture Swahili, sexual education among Switzerland, divorce in prostitution in Syphilis, its prevalence nature and results of of the innocent questions of the origin of _And see_ Venereal Diseases. Tahiti, chastity and unchastity in old Teachers and sexual hygiene Teutonic custom, influence on position of women influence on marriage Theatre, as a beneficial form of the orgy early Christian attitude towards Thekla, legend of Town life and sexuality Trappists, régime of Trent, Council of Trial-marriage Urban life and sexuality Uterine fibroids Vaginismus Vasectomy Venereal diseases, conquest of the free treatment of need of enlightenment concerning notification of personal responsibility for punishment for transmission of Venice, prostitution in Virgin, intercourse with as a cure for syphilis original meaning of the term Virginity, why valued Wagner's music dramas Wales, divorce in ancient White slavery Wife-purchase among ancient Germans in modern times Woman movement Women, alleged tendency to dissimulation among the Jews and sexual abstinence erotic characteristics of ignorance of art of love in Arabia in Babylonia in Egypt in modern Europe in relation to divorce in relation to free sexual unions in Rome inequality before the law moral equality with men must not be compulsory mothers not attracted to innocent men position as affected by Teutonic custom procreative age of their high status in ancient Ireland their need of economic independence their need of personal responsibility their need of sexual knowledge understand love better than men Yakuts, attitude towards virginity Yuman Indians, sexual initiation among Zoölogy and sexual education *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STUDIES IN THE PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX, VOLUME 6 *** Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed. 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