A History of Epidemics in Britain, Volume 2 (of 2) by Charles Creighton

5136. Price, _Revers. Payments_. 4th ed. I. 353.

2893 words  |  Chapter 99

[1004] Part of the account extracted from the parish registers by the Rev. Samuel Partridge, F.S.A., vicar of Boston, and sent to Dr George Pearson, who published it in the _Report of the Vaccine Pock Institution for 1800-1802_. London, 1803, p. 100. [1005] J. C. M’Vail, M.D. in _Proc. Philos. Soc. Glasgow_, XIII. 1882, p. 381, from a MS. register kept by the session clerk of Kilmarnock, now in the General Register House, Edinburgh. The baptisms and burials have not been extended from the MS. for more years than the table shows. [1006] _Statist. Acct. of Scotland._ [1007] _Sketch of a Plan, &c._ 1793, pp. 33-34. [1008] The following is the Ackworth bill given by Price, _Phil. Trans._ LXV. 443. 1747-57 1757-67 Christened 127 212 Buried 107 156 ---------------------------- Consumption 23 38 Dropsy 5 3 Fevers 35 23 Infancy 13 13 Old age 24 30 Smallpox 1 13 Chincough -- 2 Convulsions -- 6 Dysentery -- 2 Measles -- 2 Sundries 6 24 ---------------------------- Total deaths in ten years 107 156 [1009] The following are some examples of rural fecundity and health: Middleton, near Manchester, 1763-72, births 1560, deaths 993, average of 4·75 children to a marriage. Tattenhall, near Chester, 1764-73, births 280, deaths 130; Waverton, same county and years, births 193, deaths 84. Stoke Damerel (now the dockyard near Plymouth), in 1733 (in part an influenza-year), births 122, deaths 62, population 3361. Landward townships of Manchester in 1772, births 401, deaths 246. Darwen, in 1774-80, births 508, deaths 233, population 1850. From Papers in _Phil. Trans._ by Percival and others. [1010] _Statist. Acct. of Scot._ I. 155. [1011] Hoare’s _Wiltshire_, VI. 521. There had been a general inoculation to the number of 422, from 13 August, 1751, to February, 1752, just before the epidemic. Brown to Watson, in _Phil. Trans._ XLVII. 570. [1012] Huxham, _Ulcerous Sore-throat_, 1757. [1013] _Gent. Magaz._ 1751, Supplement, p. 577. See also June, 1751, p. 244, and letter of “Devoniensis,” _ibid._ 1752, p. 159. The subject had been raised by Corbyn Morris in his _Observations on the past growth and present state of London_, and was discussed, from an actuary’s point of view, by Dodson in _Phil. Trans._ XLVII. (Jan. 1752), p. 333. [1014] The weekly average deaths for eight weeks of September and October is 30·5 from two to five years and 11·1 from five to ten, which are about half the average at each age period during the maximum prevalence of smallpox. [1015] W. Black, M.D. (_Observations Medical and Political on the Smallpox, etc._ London, 1781, p. 100) says: “I am induced by various considerations to believe that whatever share of smallpox mortality takes place in London amongst persons turned of twenty years of age, is almost solely confined to the new annual settlers or recruits, who are necessary to repair the waste of London, and the majority of whom arrive in the capital from twenty to forty years of age.” [1016] Maddox, bishop of Worcester, preaching a sermon in 1752 for the Smallpox and Inoculation Charity, enforced his pleading by relating the recent case of “a poor man sick of this distemper, of which his wife lay dead in the same room, with four children around her catching the dreadful infection, but destitute of all relief, till they found _some_ in that too narrow building which now importunately begs your compassionate bounty to enlarge its dimensions.” [1017] The _Gent. Magaz._ Sept. 1752, p. 402, contains a long letter to refute the very prevailing notion among many people that there is very little occasion for doctors and apothecaries in smallpox, but that a good nurse is all the assistance that is usually wanted. “Whence this notion took its rise I cannot conceive, unless it was from the disease being visible, so that every one who has been at all used to it knows it when they see it.” [1018] This was an argument used in the first writings on Inoculation, so as to prove the real hazard of dying by the natural smallpox. Thus, Maitland in his _Vindication_ of 1722, which Arbuthnot is said to have had a hand in, deducts a quarter of the annual London deaths before he begins to estimate the ratio of smallpox among them, for the reason that eight out of nine infants who die in their first year are “non-entities” _quâ_ smallpox, other causes of death having had the priority (p. 19). Jurin used the same argument for the same purpose in his _Letter to Caleb Cotesworth, M.D._, 1723, p. 11: “It is notorious that great numbers, especially of young children, die of other diseases without ever having the smallpox”; and again, “very young children, or at most not above one or two years of age,” including the stillborn, abortives and overlaid, chrisoms and infants, and those dead of convulsions. “It is true, indeed, that in all probability some small part of these must have gone through the smallpox, and therefore ought not to be deducted out of the account”; but he does deduct 386 in every 1000 London deaths before he estimates the ratio of smallpox deaths, which so comes out 2 in 17. [1019] Percival, _Med. Obs. and Inquiries_, V. 1776, p. 287; population in _Phil. Trans._ LXIV. 54. [1020] Haygarth, _Inquiry how to prevent the Smallpox_, 1784. [1021] Haygarth, _Sketch of a plan to exterminate the Natural Smallpox_. Lond. 1793, p. 139. [1022] John Heysham, M.D. “An Abridgement of Observations on the Bills of Mortality in Carlisle, 1779-1787,” in Hutchinson’s _History of Cumberland_. 2 vols. Carlisle, 1794, and separate reprint, Carlisle, 1797; also reprinted in Appendix to Joshua Milne’s _Treatise on the Valuation of Annuities_. London, 1815, pp. 733-752. [1023] See Loveday’s _Diary of a Tour_, 1732, p. 120. [1024] _Gent. Magaz._ 1755, p. 595. In a parish near Glasgow, Eaglesham, eighty children are said to have died of smallpox in 1713. Chambers, _Domest. Annals_, III. 387. [1025] Robert Watt, M.D., _Treatise on the History, Nature and Treatment of Chincough ... to which is subjoined an Inquiry into the relative mortality of the Principal Diseases of Children, and the Numbers who have died under ten years of age in Glasgow during the last thirty years_. Glasgow, 1813. [1026] This high mortality was probably caused by the epidemic agues of 1780, which specially affected Lincolnshire. [1027] In 1802 the smallpox epidemic recurred, with 33 deaths. In 1801 there was one death. [1028] Barker and Cheyne, u. s. [1029] James Sims, M.D., _Observations on Epidemic Disorders_. London, 1773. [1030] _Two papers on Fever and Infection_, 1763, p. 112. [1031] _Medicina Nautica._ [1032] Haygarth, _Sketch of a Plan, &c._, 1793, p. 32. [1033] Gaol at Bury St Edmunds: In the winter of 1773, five died of the smallpox. No apothecary then. Leicester County Gaol: In 1774 three debtors and one felon died of the smallpox. “Of that disease, I was informed, few ever recover in this gaol.” Oxford Castle: In 1773 eleven died of the smallpox. In 1774 that distemper still in the gaol. In 1775 one debtor died of it in May, three debtors and a petty offender in June; three recovered. No infirmary, no straw to lie on. _State of the Prisons._ [1034] I append Haygarth’s full table of the Chester smallpox epidemic, 1774: Recovd. from Died of Not had Parish Families Persons smallpox smallpox smallpox {St Oswald 924 4027 321 40 350 Suburbs {St John 774 3187 284 52 218 {St Mary 583 2392 240 45 205 {Trinity 330 1605 127 24 97 Old {St Peter 193 920 52 6 39 Parishes{St Bridget 154 623 52 6 35 {St Martin 154 611 47 18 35 {St Michael 135 575 15 2 31 {St Olave 134 536 42 8 43 {Cathedral 47 237 3 1 7 ---- ---- ---- --- ---- 3428 14713 1183 202 1060 [1035] Isaac Massey, _Remarks on Dr Jurin’s last yearly Account of the Success of Inoculation_. Lond. 1727, p. 6. Huxham held that children might be “prepared” for the natural smallpox, as it was then the custom to prepare them for the inoculated disease, so that few of them need have it severely: “I am persuaded, if persons regularly prepared were to receive the variolous contagion in a natural way, far the greater part would have them in a mild manner.” _On Fevers._ 2nd ed. 1750, p. 133. [1036] C. Deering, M.D., _Account of an improved Method of treating the Smallpocks_. Nottingham, 1737. [1037] John Lamport alias Lampard, u. s. [1038] _Obs. on Ship Fever, &c._ New ed. Lond. 1789, p. 448. [1039] Thomas Phillips, “Journal of a Voyage,” &c. in Churchill’s _Collection of Voyages_, VI. 173. [1040] Berkeley’s claim for tar-water in smallpox was a double one, as a preventive or modifier, and as a cure. Of the former he says: “Another reason which recommends tar-water, particularly to infants and children, is the great security it brings against the smallpox to those that drink it, who are observed, either never to take that distemper, or to have it in the gentlest manner.” _Further Thoughts on Tar-water_, 1752. In his _Second Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq._ 1746 (in _Works_. 4 vols. Oxford, 1871, III. 476) he gives the famous case of curing by it:--“the wonderful fact attested by a solemn affidavit of Captain Drape at Liverpool, whereby it appears that, of 170 negroes seized at once by the smallpox on the coast of Guinea one only died, who refused to drink tar-water; and the remaining 169 all recovered, by drinking it, without any other medicine, notwithstanding the heat of the climate and the incommodities of the vessel. A fact so well vouched must, with all unbiassed men, outweigh, &c.” [1041] Prince, _Gent. Magaz._ Sept. 1753, p. 414. [1042] Walter Lynn, u. s. 1715, _ad init._ [1043] _Reports, &c._ 1819. [1044] Whytt, _Med. Obs. and Inquiries_, II. (1762), p. 187. [1045] Cleghorn, _Diseases of Minorca_. London (under the years). [1046] Hillary, _Changes of the Air, and Epidemical Diseases of Barbados_. [1047] Muret, _Mém. par la Société Économique de Berne_, 1766. “Population dans le pays de Vaud”: p. 102, “J’ai vu à Veney, la petite vérole être générale dans toute la ville, des centaines d’enfans attaqués de cette maladie, et qu’à peine il en mouroit sept ou huit.” [1048] _Gent. Magaz._ 1753, p. 114. Letter from Sam. Pegge, rector, 17 Feb. 1753. [1049] Haygarth, _Phil. Trans._ LXV. 87. [1050] Morton, _Pyreologia_, II. 338: “Et quidem omnes haereditario quasi jure benignis istis variolis tentabantur, quae (Deo favente) eventum secundum habuerunt; nunquam enim quemquam meâ vel conjugis meae stirpe ortum hoc morbo periisse memini.” The case of hereditary tendency to fatal smallpox is No. 53, p. 470: “Domina Theodosia Tytherleigh, virgo elegans ac formosa, stirpe celeberrima (sed cui hic morbus jure quasi haereditario funestus esse solebat)” &c. She died in a late stage of the disease. [1051] _Cal. Coke MSS._ (Hist. MSS. Commis.) II. 429. [1052] Rutty, _Chronological History of the Weather and Seasons, and prevailing Diseases in Dublin during forty years_. London, 1770, under the dates. [1053] Short (_Comparative History of the Increase and Decrease of Mankind in England, &c._ Lond. 1767) has found somewhere a statement that in 1717 there was “a most fatal continual fever in the West of Scotland, in January and February, and not less fatal confluent smallpox in March and April.” [1054] _Lond. Med. Journ._ VII. 163. [1055] W. Watson, in _Medical Observations and Inquiries by a Society of Physicians in London_, IV. (1771), p. 153. Whether the epidemic that preceded the smallpox was measles or scarlatina is a question that was raised by Willan, and is referred to in the chapter on “Scarlatina and Diphtheria.” [1056] _Annals of the Lords of Warrington and Bewsey from 1587._ By W. Beamont. Manchester, 1873, p. xix. [1057] John Aikin, M.D., _Descriptions of the Country from thirty to forty Miles around Manchester_. London, 1795, p. 302. [1058] Taken out of the register by Aikin at the request of Dr Richard Price, and published by the latter in the 4th ed. of his _Obs. on Reversionary Payments_. Lond. 1783, II. 5, 100. [1059] Arthur Young, _Six Months Tour through the North of England_. 4 vols. London, 1770-71, III. 163. [1060] Percival, _Phil. Trans._ LXV. 328. [1061] Beamont, u. s. p. 116-17. [1062] Ferriar, _Med. Obs. and Reflections_. [1063] Price, _Reversionary Payments_. 4th ed. II. [1064] Aikin, _Phil. Trans._ LXIV. (1774), p. 438; Haygarth, _ibid._ LXVIII. 131. [1065] “Almost ended at the winter solstice, only 19 remaining ill in January, 1775.” [1066] Percival, for Warrington, _Med. Obs. and Inquiries_, V. (1776), p. 272 (information from Arkin); Haygarth, for Chester, _Phil. Trans._ LXVIII. 150. Haygarth (_Sketch of a Plan, &c._ p. 141) gives the following table of the smallpox deaths and the deaths from all causes at several ages of children up to ten years at Chester from 1772 to 1777 inclusive: Under one 1-2 2-3 3-5 5-10 Total Smallpox deaths 91 75 83 86 34 369 All other deaths 392 155 68 68 53 736 [1067] _Sketch of a plan, &c._ p. 31. [1068] Heysham, _Obs. on Bills of Mortality in Carlisle_, 1779-1787. Carlisle, 1797. Reprinted from App. Vol. II. of Hutchinson’s _Cumberland_. [1069] _Lucas, Lond. Med. Journ._ X. 260: “The number of those who were still uninfected was found on a survey to be 700.” [1070] Dr Henry, of Manchester, to Haygarth, 20 March, 1789, in the latter’s _Sketch of a Plan, &c._ p. 369: “In large and populous places such as Manchester, the smallpox almost always exists in some parts of the town. I have known it strongly epidemic in one part without any appearance of it in others.... At present it is prevalent and fatal in the outskirts, but very rarely occurs in the interior parts of the town.” [1071] “Most of them [Jenner’s colleagues] had met with cases in which those who were supposed to have had cowpox had subsequently been affected with smallpox.” Baron, _Life of Jenner_, I. 48. [1072] Haygarth to Worthington, 15 April, 1794, in Baron’s _Life of Jenner_, I. 134. [1073] See the cases and remarks by John Hunter, Sir W. Watson, Lettsom and others. [1074] Joseph Adams, _Observations on Morbid Poisons, Phagedaena and Cancer_. 1st ed. Lond. 1795. Preface, 31 March. [1075] I have collected all the scattered references in Jenner’s writings to cowpox in the cow or in infected milkers in my _Natural History of Cowpox and Vaccinal Syphilis_. London, 1887, pp. 53-57. [1076] G. Pearson, _Inquiry concerning the History of Cowpox_. Lond. 1798. [1077] Beddoes’ _Contributions to Physical and Medical Knowledge_. Bristol, 1799, p. 387. [1078] See my _Natural History of Cowpox, &c._ u. s. 1887. The most systematic descriptions, both for cows and milkers, are by Ceely, in _Trans. Provinc. Med. and Surg. Assocn._ VIII. (1840) and X. (1842). Professor E. M. Crookshank has reproduced these valuable memoirs, with the coloured plates, in his _History and Pathology of Vaccination_. 2 vols. London, 1889. The plates are in vol. I., the memoirs in vol. II. Crookshank’s volumes, which are a convenient repertory of the more important earlier writings on cowpox, contain also the author’s original observations (with plates), of cowpox in Wiltshire in 1887-88. [1079] In my essay of 1887 (u. s.) I maintained, as an original opinion, that the true affinity of cowpox was to the great pox of man, and that the occasional cases of so-called vaccinal syphilis were not due to the contamination of cowpox with venereal virus but to inherent (although mostly latent) properties of the cowpox virus itself. This opinion was at first received with incredulity, but is now looked upon with more favour. See Hutchinson, _Archives of Surgery_, Oct. 1889, and Jan. 1891, p. 215. The concessions hitherto made are only for cases that have arisen since my book was published, such as the case at the Leeds Infirmary in 1889. I believe that my explanation of vaccinal “syphilis” will at length be accepted for all cases, past or future. [1080] _An Inquiry, &c._ 1798. “Remarks on the term Variolae Vaccinae.” [1081] That Dr Jenner foresaw this line of proof, and dismissed it as irrelevant, is made clear by G. C. Jenner, _Monthly Magazine_, 1799, p. 671, in reply to Dr Turton, of Swansea: “It is possible that variolous virus inserted into the nipples of a cow, might produce inflammation and suppuration, and that matter from such a source might produce some local affection on the human subject by inoculation. But all this tends only to show, what was well known before, that virus taken from one ulcer is capable of producing another by its being inserted into any other part of the body.” [1082] Jenner, _Further Observations on the Variolae Vaccinae_, 1799. [1083] Thornton, in Beddoes’ _Contributions to Physical and Medical Knowledge_. Bristol, 1799. [1084] Hughes, _Med. and Phys. Journ._ I. (1799), p. 318. Many other tests, English and foreign, are detailed in my book, _Jenner and Vaccination_. London, 1889, for which see the Index under “test.” [1085] Woodville tabulated 511 cases of applicants for inoculation at the hospital in whom cowpox matter was used, giving “the number of pustules” opposite the name of each; 90 had from a thousand to a hundred pustules, 215 had less than one hundred. William Woodville, M.D., _Reports of a Series of Inoculations for the Variolae Vaccinae or Cowpox; with remarks on this disease considered as a substitute for the Smallpox_. London,

Chapters

1. Chapter 1 2. CHAPTER I. 3. CHAPTER II. 4. CHAPTER III. 5. CHAPTER IV. 6. CHAPTER V. 7. CHAPTER VI. 8. CHAPTER VII. 9. CHAPTER VIII. 10. CHAPTER IX. 11. CHAPTER I. 12. 1670. From 1673 to 1676, the constitution was a comatose fever, which 13. 1675. In 1678 the “intermittent” constitution returned, having been absent 14. 1709. The following shows the rise of the price of the quarter of wheat in 15. 600. The infection was virulent during the winter, when Portsmouth was 16. 1754. This outbreak was only one of a series; but as it attacked a 17. 1755. He had the weekly bills of mortality before him, and he makes 18. chapter II.) are not without value, as showing that the “putrid” or 19. 87. It passed as one of the healthiest cities in the kingdom, being far 20. 1795. This epidemic must have been somewhat special to Ashton, for it 21. 1828. It was a somewhat close repetition of the epidemic of 1817-19, 22. 619. In all England, the last quarter of 1846 was also most unhealthy, its 23. 1882. The registration district had only 95 deaths from enteric fever 24. CHAPTER II. 25. 1655. There were twenty-seven victuallers or other ships riding in Dundalk 26. 1818. It was in great part typhus, but towards the end of the epidemic, 27. 1835. It will appear from the following (by Geary) that it was largely an 28. 1849. After the subsidence of the great epidemic of relapsing and typhus 29. CHAPTER III. 30. 1782. It is possible that our own recent experience of a succession of 31. 1551. There were certainly two seasons of these agues, 1557 and 1558, the 32. 1675. The prevailing intermittent fevers, he says, gave place to a new 33. 1686. Sydenham records nothing beyond that date, having shortly after 34. 1775. The latter, however, was a summer epidemic, and was naturally less 35. 1762. On the other hand the epidemics of autumn, winter or spring in 1729, 36. 1782. In the London bills the weekly deaths rose in March, to an average 37. 3. After being general, did it occur for some time in single 38. 5. If so, is it likely that clothes or fomites conveyed it in any 39. 1837. The London bills of mortality compiled by the Parish Clerks’ Company 40. 1733. There is nothing to note between Boyle and Arbuthnot; for Willis 41. 1647. First catarrh mentioned in American annals, in the same year 42. 1655. Influenza in America, in the same year with violent earthquakes 43. 1675. Influenza in Europe while Etna was still in a state of 44. 1688. Influenza in Europe in the same year with an eruption of 45. 1693. Influenza in Europe in the same year with an eruption in Iceland 46. 1688. The greatest of them all, that of Smyrna, on the 10th of July, was a 47. CHAPTER IV. 48. 2. If the patient be sprung from a stock in which smallpox is wont to 49. 3. If the attack fall in the flower of life, when the spirits are 50. 4. If the patient be harassed by fever, or by sorrow, love or any 51. 5. If the patient be given to spirituous liquors, vehement exercise or 52. 6. If the attack come upon women during certain states of health 53. 8. If the heating regimen had been carried to excess, or other 54. 9. If the patient had met a chill at the outset, checking the 55. 11. If the attack happen during a variolous epidemic constitution of 56. 14. If the patient be apprehensive as to the result. 57. 1. Whether the distemper given by inoculation be an effectual security to 58. 2. Whether the hazard of inoculation be considerably less than that of the 59. 1200. In 1754 Middleton had done 800 inoculations, with one death. The 60. 1725. Forty-three died, “mostly of the smallpox.” 61. 1766. The annals kept by Sims of Tyrone overlap those of Rutty by a few 62. introduction of vaccination are still every year inoculated with the 63. introduction into the system;” and this he had been doing in the name of 64. CHAPTER V. 65. 1763. Before the date of the Infirmary Book, Watson records an 66. 1766. May to July. Many entries in the book; Watson says: 67. 1768. Great epidemic, May to July; one hundred and twelve in the 68. 1773. Nov. and Dec. Great epidemic: maximum of 130 cases of measles in 69. 1774. May. A slight outbreak (8 cases at one time). 70. 1783. March and April. Great epidemic: maximum number of cases in the 71. 1786. March and April. Maximum on April 5th--measles 47, recovering 72. 1802. 8 had measles, one died. 73. CHAPTER VI. 74. CHAPTER VII. 75. 1802. It ceased in summer, but returned at intervals during the years 76. introduction of the eruption of scarlatina into his description”--as if 77. CHAPTER VIII. 78. 1665. As Sydenham and Willis have left good accounts of the London 79. CHAPTER IX. 80. 1831. Two medical men were at the same time commissioned by the Government 81. 1832. But in June there was a revival, and thereafter a steady increase to 82. 1533. During the same time Gateshead with a population of 26,000, had 433 83. 1306. As in 1832, the infection appeared to die out in the late spring and 84. 849. The Irish papers in the second period are by T. W. Grimshaw, _Dub. 85. 1710. Engl. transl. of the latter, Lond. 1737. 86. 72. The contention of the inspector was that the water-supply had been 87. 113. Sir W. Cecil writing from Westminster to Sir T. Smith on 29th 88. 437. Heberden’s paper was read at the College, Aug. 11, 1767. 89. 1775. October weekly average 323 births 345 deaths 90. 1852. This has been reprinted and brought down to date by Dr Symes 91. 117. This writer’s object is to show that Liverpool escaped most of the 92. 1783. The influenza also began to appear again; and those who had coughs 93. 1786. In the middle of this season the influenza returned, and colds and 94. 1791. Influenza very bad, especially in London. 95. 1808. If it were possible, from authentic documents to compare the history 96. 142. In one of his cases Willis was at first uncertain as to the 97. 141. In those cases there was no inoculation by puncture or otherwise. 98. 1776. _An Introduction to the Plan of the Inoculation Dispensary._ 1778. 99. 5136. Price, _Revers. Payments_. 4th ed. I. 353. 100. 1799. In a subsequent letter (_Med. Phys. Journ._ V., Dec. 1800), he thus 101. 1809. The _Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal_ (VI. 231), in a long review of 102. 25. Read 1 July, 1794. 103. 1689. Engl. Transl. by Cockburn, 1693, p. 39.

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