1775. The latter, however, was a summer epidemic, and was naturally less

complicated with pneumonia and bronchitis, whatever the “comatose” fever of 1775 may have been. Grant’s statement that the influenza of 1775 lasted five months in London is borne out by the Foundling Hospital records: on 11 November, there were 16 in the Infirmary with “epidemic fever and cough,” next week 22 with “fevers, coughs and colds,” and so on week by week under the same names until the 9th of March, 1776[655]. At Dorchester it was general after 10th November; about the same time it was in Exeter, where within a week it seized all the inmates, but two children, in the Devon and Exeter Hospital, to the number of 173 persons. The middle of November is also the date of its decided outbreak at Birmingham, at Worcester, and at Chester, where Howard found the prisoners suffering from it. At York in the north, as at Blandford in the south, it is claimed to have begun earlier than in London. At Lancaster it was not seen until three weeks after the accounts of its prevalence in London began to come in, but only three days after it was first heard of in Liverpool. At Aberdeen it was fully a month later than in London. It did not visit Fraserburgh, though there was a putrid fever there very fatal at that time[656]. In many cases the disease assumed the type of an intermittent towards its decline, but bark was not useful (Fothergill, Ash, while Baker says that bark did good when the fever was spent). All the observers agree both as to its slight fatality and its universality. At Chester it attacked 73 out of 97 affluent persons, neighbours in the Abbey Square; at the Cross, inhabited by people in trade, 109 had the disease out of 144; in the House of Industry, not one escaped out of 175; it attacked people in the country rather later than in the town, and less generally, but it was in villages and even in solitary houses. The unusual prevalence of catarrh among horses (and dogs) is asserted by John Fothergill (“during this time”), Cuming (“after the middle of August very generally in Yorkshire”), Glass (in September), Haygarth (in North Wales, about August and September), Pulteney (“before we heard of it among the human race”). The fullest statement is by Dr Anthony Fothergill, of Northampton: “This distemper prevailed some time among horses before it attacked the human species. The cough harassed them severely and rendered them unfit for work, though few died. About the same time also it infested the canine species and with great fatality, especially hounds. An experienced huntsman informed me that it ran through whole packs in many parts of England and that several dogs died[657].” The progress of influenza from other countries towards Britain was so much a matter of rumour or vague statement in the earlier periods that it has not seemed worth while to make a point of it under each epidemic. It happens, however, that there is good evidence of the line of progress of the epidemic of 1775. The afterwards celebrated Professor Gregory, of Edinburgh, encountered it in Italy in the autumn, and followed it all the way home to Scotland. He saw it successively in Genoa, in the south of France, in the north of France, in London, and last of all in Edinburgh, where he himself at length fell ill with it, several of his travelling companions having taken it in Italy two or three months before. In his lectures long after (as reported by Christison, who heard them about 1817) he traced the influenza of 1775 from south to north: “It appears to have broken out somewhere on the north and west coast of Africa, whence it spread not only north into Europe, but likewise eastward to Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Asia Minor, Hindostan, China, and was ascertained to have spread over the whole immense empire of the Chinese. From China it returned westward by a northern route through the extensive dominions of Russia and from that country it was sent again over Europe in 1782[658].” The Influenza of 1782. Seven years after, in the early summer of 1782, there came another swift and brief wave of catarrhal fevers over England, Scotland and Ireland, in the midst of a great “constitution” of epidemic agues which continued for several years. This was the occasion when the Italian name of “influenza” was formally adopted by the College of Physicians. Perhaps the first appearance of the name in English was in an account of the epidemic in Italy in 1729, given by a London periodical devoted to political news from foreign countries, and called, “The Political State of Great Britain[659].” In 1743 the news of the Italian epidemic under its native name reached London before the infection itself, the Italian name being frequently given to it while it lasted that season in England. When the next epidemic came, in 1762, it was not called the influenza as a matter of course, but was compared to the disease in 1743 “called the influenza.” In the epidemic of 1775, “influenza” came more into use, and in 1782 it was the name usually given to the epidemic malady. The adoption of this name put an end at length to the ambiguity between epidemic agues and influenzas, leaving the curious correspondences between them in time and place, or the nosological affinities between them, as interesting as ever. As late as the very fatal aguish years 1727-29, there was no clear separation of the epidemic agues from the influenzas, of which latter there were two or more, the one in the end of 1729 being easy to identify. In the great aguish constitution of 1678-81, Sydenham distinguished the epidemic coughs and catarrhs in Nov. 1679; but Morley made no such distinction, describing the whole series of agues for two seasons (and he might have done so for two seasons more) as the “new fever,” “new ague,” or “new delight,” as in Derbyshire, without a suspicion that the universal coughs, catarrhs and fevers in November, 1679, were something nosologically distinct, which the future would identify as “influenza.” In like manner Whitmore, in the great aguish period immediately preceding, that of 1658-59, had described the “new disease” as one single Proteus. In the still earlier epidemic seasons of 1557-58 and 1580-82, everything was “ague,” although we now discover influenza mixed therewith. I do not say that this inclusive naming was the better scientifically; nor do I uphold Willis and Sydenham in their teaching that the intermittent constitution passed into the catarrhal, in 1658 and 1679 respectively. But it is necessary to bear in mind the matter of fact, namely, that those agues, amidst which the “great colds” occurred, were epidemic agues, and not the endemic fevers of malarious places; and I have now to show that the “influenza” of 1782 was in like manner a brief episode in the midst of several successive seasons of agues, which were as much “new” or “strange” as any of those in the earlier history. Whether the epidemic agues of 1780-85 were the last of the kind in Britain had better be left an open question until our most recent and most strange experiences in 1890-93 are read in the light of history. The influenza of 1782 was a very definite incident of a few weeks--_teres atque rotundus_. It is easily discoverable in the weekly bills of mortality in London to have fallen in the month of June: _London Weekly Mortalities._ 1782 Week ending Fevers All causes May 21 45 336 28 49 390 June 4 57 385 11 121 560 18 110 473 25 89 434 July 2 49 296 The sudden rise and fall of the deaths and the height reached are much the same as in other such epidemics in the summer--the “gentle correction” of 1580, the “transient slight fever” of 1688, and the epidemic catarrh of