A History of Epidemics in Britain, Volume 2 (of 2) by Charles Creighton

CHAPTER VI.

4112 words  |  Chapter 73

WHOOPING-COUGH. It is singular that a malady so distinctively marked as whooping-cough is should figure so little in the records of disease from former times. Astruc could find no traces of it in the medical writings of antiquity or of the Arabian period. In modern times the first known account of an epidemic of it is under the year 1578, when Baillou of Paris included a prevalent convulsive cough as part of the epidemic constitution of that year, remarking in the same context that he knew of no author who had hitherto written of the malady[1234]. Yet, if whooping-cough had been as common in former times as it has been in quite recent times, it deserved a high place among the causes of infantile mortality. Doubtless it occurred in former times in the same circumstances in which it occurs now. Baillou in 1578 speaks of it as a familiar thing; and it can be shown from an English prescription-book of the medieval period that remedies were in request for a malady called “the kink,” a name which survives in Scotland (like other obsolete English words of the 15th century) in the form of “kink host[1235].” In Phaer’s _Booke of Children_ (1553) chincough is not named. It is perhaps more singular that the disease should be omitted from the list in Sir Thomas Elyot’s _Castel of Health_ (1541), of maladies proper to three periods of childhood; for that list has every appearance of being an exhaustive enumeration[1236]. Still, it would be erroneous to suppose that the convulsive cough of children which is so common an epidemic incident in our time, and in some impressionable subjects is the almost necessary sequel of a coryza or catarrh, did not then occur in the same circumstances as now. When Willis, in his _Pharmaceutice Rationalis_ of 1674, remarks that pertussis was left to the management of old women and empirics, he suggests the real reason why so little is said of it in the medical compends. Sydenham mentions it twice, and on both occasions in a significant context. Under the name of pertussis, “quem nostrates vocant _Hooping Cough_,” he brings it in at the end of his account of the measles epidemic of 1670, without actually saying that it was a sequel of the measles. His other reference to it, under the name of the convulsive cough of children, comes in his account of the influenza of 1679. In both contexts it is adduced as an instance of a malady much more amenable to bloodletting than to pectoral remedies, the depletion being a sure means of cutting short an attack that was else very apt to be protracted, if not altogether uncontrollable[1237]. One glimpse of it we get among the children of a squire’s family in Rutlandshire in the summer of 1661. On the 26th of May the mother of the children writes to her husband then on a visit to London[1238]: “I am in a sad condition for my pore children, who are all so trobled with the chincofe that I am afraid it will kill them. There is many dy out in this town, and many abroad that we heare of. I am fane to have a candell stand by me to goo in too them when the fitt comes.” On 2 June, the children are still “all sadly trobeled with the chincofe. Moll is much the worst. They have such fits that it stopes theare wind, and puts me to such frits and feares that I am not myselfe.” In a third letter, the children “are getting over the chincofe. I desire a paper of lozenges for them”; and on 30 June, the children are better, but the smallpox is still in the village. It was probably from the latter disease that many were dying. In Dr Walter Harris’s _Acute Diseases of Infants_[1239], the convulsive or suffocative coughs are mentioned in one place without being identified as chincough, while in two or three other places the malady is briefly referred to under its name. Thus, “corpulent and fat infants troubled with defluxions, and having an open mould, are most subject to the rickets, chincough, king’s evil, and almost incurable thrushes.” Again, chincough of infants is one of the inflammatory diseases that are “not altogether free from contagion”; and again: “Albeit that any notable translation of the subject matter of the fever into the lungs, and chincoughs, do advise bloodletting for the youngest infants, yet it is most evident that it is not a remedy naturally convenient for them.... And therefore its help is not to be invoked for all the diseases of infants except in the chincough or any other coughs that do attend and are concomitants of fevers that do suddenly begin”--showing his deference to Sydenham, his master. Probably the “any other coughs” are those that he thus describes in another place (p. 26): “Moreover he is often troubled with a slight, dry cough, though sometimes it is strangling and suffocative: with a dry cough because of the sharpness and acrimony of the humours that continually prickle the most sensible branches of the windpipe; but the choaking doth proceed from the abundance of serous and watry humours that so fill up and burden the small vesicles of the lungs that it cannot be cast off and discharged. But also they being endued with a great debility and weakness of nerves, and a superlative softness and delicacy of constitution, they are not able to subsist with that violent trouble of coughing, but do succumb under that unnatural and excessive motion of their breast, and their face is blackish as that of strangled people.” These were cases of whooping-cough, although they are not so called. Among his eleven cases, Harris gives two in infants of the Marquis of Worcester; one had been “very often troubled with an acute fever,” and was found to be much weakened by a chincough when the physician was called to him; the other, an infant of eleven months, had at the same time an acute fever “and a cough almost convulsive.” This inclusion, under the generic name of cough, of cases that had all the signs of whooping-cough, namely, the paroxysmal seizures, choking fits, and blackness of the face, is found also in the London bills of mortality. Although “coughs” are entered as the cause of a not very large number of deaths in the earlier annual bills, with an occasional special mention of whooping-cough among them, it is not until 1701 that “hooping cough and chincough” becomes a separate item, with six deaths in the year; next year the entry is “hooping cough” alone, with a single death, and so on for a number of years in which the deaths are counted by units; in 1716 they rise to eleven, and continue to be counted by tens until 1730, when 152 deaths are set down to “cough, chincough, and whooping-cough.” It would be a mistake to suppose that these figures during the first thirty years of the 18th century are anything like a correct measure of the number of infants in London who suffered from whooping-cough, or are at all near the number who might have reasonably been returned as dying from it. It was in that generation that the entries of the Parish Clerks became most indefinite as to the causes of death in infants, five-sixths of the enormous total of deaths under two years being entered under the generic head of “convulsions” and “teeth,” while the item “chrysoms” received the deaths under one month old. The increase of whooping-cough in the following table, from units to tens, from tens to hundreds, and thereafter to a somewhat steady total of hundreds year after year, can hardly be explained except on the hypothesis of more exact classification of infantile deaths, corresponding to the actual decline of the article “convulsions” in the second half of the century. Years Whooping-cough 1701 6 1702 1 1703 5 1704 0 1705 0 1706 2 1707 3 1708 3 1709 1 1710 5 1711 7 1712 3 1713 6 1714 6 1715 7 1716 11 1717 15 1718 24 1719 17 1720 33 1721 20 1722 21 1723 38 1724 25 1725 53 1726 37 1727 67 1728 21 1729 35 1730 152 1731 33 1732 65 1733 97 1734 139 1735 81 1736 130 1737 160 1738 69 1739 72 1740 280 1741 109 1742 122 1743 92 1744 46 1745 135 1746 95 1747 151 1748 150 1749 82 1750 55 1751 275 1752 188 1753 65 1754 336 1755 93 1756 199 1757 239 1758 84 1759 227 1760 414 1761 197 1762 300 1763 291 1764 251 1765 225 1766 213 1767 364 1768 262 1769 318 1770 218 1771 249 1772 385 1773 235 1774 554 1775 206 1776 181 1777 529 1778 379 1779 268 1780 573 1781 165 1782 78 (Continued in the table of measles deaths, p. 655) It is not without significance that the vital statistics of Sweden were the first to give whooping-cough something like its rightful place among infantile causes of death: from 1749 to 1764 the deaths set down to that cause were 42,393, or an annual average of 2600, the epidemic year 1755 having 5832. In this we should find merely the influence of systematic nomenclature. Nosology, or the scientific classification of diseases, may be said to have begun under Linnaeus, who was for many years professor of medicine at Upsala before he became professor of botany, and was teaching a somewhat rudimentary nosology to the Swedish students of medicine before the great work of his friend and correspondent Sauvages made classifications general. Concerning the year 1751, which has 275 deaths from whooping-cough in the London bills, Fothergill writes in May: “Great numbers of children had the hooping cough, both in London and several adjacent villages, in a violent degree. Strong, sanguine, healthy children seemed to suffer most by it; and to some of them it proved fatal where it was neglected or improperly managed”--the deaths having become more numerous towards the end of the year[1240]. At Edinburgh, during the second year of high mortalities in the famine-period 1740-41, whooping-cough has 101 deaths to 112 from measles, having had only a fourth part as many the year before (see p. 523). In the Kilmarnock register from 1728 to 1763, “kinkhost” is credited with a total of 116 deaths, about 3 on an annual average, measles having a total of 93 during the same thirty-six years. In Holy Cross parish, a suburb of Shrewsbury, chincough has 9 deaths in the ten years 1750-60, and 6 in the next ten years, measles having 4 and 15 in the respective periods, and convulsions 9 and 31. In Ackworth parish, chincough has no deaths in the ten years 1747-57, and 2 in the next ten years, “infancy” having 13 in each decade, “convulsions” and measles none in the first, 6 and 2 respectively in the second. Warrington, in the disastrous smallpox year, 1773, had 16 deaths from chincough and 34 from convulsions. In the two years 1772 and 1773, Chester had 33 and 10 deaths from chincough, 70 and 69 from convulsions, 17 and 13 from “weakness of infancy.” Watt’s researches in the registers of all the Glasgow burial-grounds brought out the fact that whooping-cough during a period of thirty years, 1783 to 1812, had been a common and somewhat steady cause of death among infants, having made 4·51 per cent. of the annual total of deaths at all ages in the first six years of the period, and 5·57 per cent. in the last six years[1241]. This was a higher annual average ratio than in the London bills for the same period (see the tables at p. 647 and p. 655), and was probably the maximum in Britain, inasmuch as the Glasgow death-rate of infants was the worst from all causes. Whooping-Cough in Modern Times. When the causes of death began to be registered, in July, 1837, whooping-cough was found to have the following relative place among the principal maladies of children during the latter six months of the year in London and in all England and Wales. _Mortality by diseases of Children, last six months of 1837._ London England and Wales Convulsions 1717 10729 Measles 1354 4732 Whooping-Cough 1066 3044 Smallpox 763 5811 Scarlatina 418 2550 Throughout the whole registration period, whooping-cough has kept its place steadily among the chief causes of infant mortality, neither decreasing nor increasing notably in the successive periods from 1837 to the present time. Its mortality has varied a good deal from year to year, owing to occasional great epidemic years such as 1866 and 1878; but on the mean annual average of decennial periods, it has varied little: _Annual Deaths by Whooping-cough per million living at all ages._ Males Females Both sexes 1851-60 460 545 503 1861-70 487 566 527 1871-80 474 547 512 1881-90 -- -- 451 No other epidemic malady has shown the same excess of female deaths in proportion to the numbers of the sex living, diphtheria being the only other that shows an excess at all. The excess of deaths by whooping-cough among female infants was roughly shown by Watt in 1813, viz. 975 females to 842 males in the registers of the Glasgow High Church, College Church and the North-Western Cemetery, the relative numbers of the sexes living at the respective ages being then unknown. In all Scotland in 1889 the ratio was 1043 male deaths to 1225 female. The singular difference between the sexes in this respect is almost certainly related to the corresponding differences in the formation and development of the larynx, the organ which gives character, at least, to the convulsive cough of children. The expansion of the larynx in boys, which becomes so obvious at puberty and remains so distinctive of the male sex, is one of those secondary sexual characters which begin to differentiate quite early in life, and are probably congenital to some extent. It is not known whether female children are more often attacked than males; but it is probable that they are predisposed both to acquire coughs of the convulsive suffocative kind and to have their lives shattered by the attack--for the same anatomical and physiological reasons, namely, the imperfect development of the posterior space of the glottis with the spasmodic closure by reflex action[1242]. The deaths have been nearly all under the age of five. _Deaths by Whooping-cough per million living at the respective age-periods._ 0-5 5-10 1851-60 3624 174 1861-70 3766 152 1871-80 3652 135 These proportions are almost the same as those given by Watt in 1813 from three of the Glasgow registers. Deaths by Period whooping-cough Under five Five to ten Above ten 1783-1812 1817 1713 98 3 Most of the deaths are in the first year, and in a rapidly declining ratio until the fifth, according to the following rates per million of male children living at each age-period (these figures are for a single year, 1882): Under one One to two Two to three Three to four Four to five 3039 2115 826 433 248 The mortality from whooping-cough falls very unequally on town and country. Thus, in Scotland in 1889, it caused 2268 deaths, being 3·13 per cent. of the deaths from all causes, and equivalent to a rate of ·58 per 1000 living. The death-rate varied as follows: ·91 in the eight principal towns, ·46 in the group of large towns, ·45 in the group of small towns, ·25 in the mainland rural districts, and ·08 in the insular rural districts. In England, the capital has more than its share of deaths from whooping-cough, Lancashire coming next, while the death-rates of Monmouthshire, Cornwall and Warwickshire are also a good deal above the mean of the whole country. The lowest death-rates are found in the purely agricultural counties. During the last half-century there has been a decline in the death-rate from all causes, including the infectious diseases as a group; but it can hardly be said that whooping-cough has had a due share in this decline. Notably in Ireland, where the decline of infectious disease has been most marked, it has been, as it were, pushed to the front of its class by the shrinkage of the other items. In Scotland it is now decidedly at the head of the list, and in England it has shared the first place with measles since the great diminution of scarlatina deaths. _Annual average Death-rates per 100,000 living._ Whooping-cough Measles Scarlatina England { 1871-80 51·2 37·7 71·6 { 1881-90 45·1 44·1 33·8 Scotland { 1871-80 63·1 37·0 79·5 { 1881-90 60·7 38·3 28·8 Ireland { 1871-80 34·8 21·0 43·5 { 1881-90 28·5 19·2 20·8 There is a small decrease in the death-rate of whooping-cough within the last decennial period, whereas in that of measles there is a slight increase (except in Ireland). The comparative steadiness of whooping-cough among the causes of death is doubtless owing to the fact that the bulk of its fatalities are among infants, and that there appears to be an irreducible minimum of the deaths from all causes at that age-period. Whooping-Cough as a Sequel of other Maladies. Although it is convenient to group whooping-cough among the infectious diseases, and although it is a clear case of a malady that comes in epidemics, yet its pathology is peculiar. It seems to be more a sequel of other diseases than an independent or primary affection. The whoop of the breath, from which it is named, is really proper to any convulsive cough of some infants or children. Adults, having undergone the change in the form and relative size of the larynx at puberty, have the convulsive cough usually without the whoop if they have it at all. After the successive influenzas of recent years (1889-92), many adults suffered from convulsive paroxysmal cough which was whooping-cough in all respects but the whoop, the choking fits, the blackness of the face, and the vomiting being, of course, all kept in subjection by the greater control of adults over their reflex actions. It has been often remarked that the ordinary whooping-cough of children has followed epidemics of influenza, or widely prevalent catarrhs. Thus, Hillary records in July, 1753, an epidemic of whooping-cough, or “the fertussis,” all over the island of Barbados following the epidemic catarrh which was at a height in January of the same year. Whooping-cough had not been known in the island for many years past, “neither could I find by the strictest inquiry that I could make that any child or elder person did bring it hither[1243].” Willan, in his corresponding records of the succession of diseases at the Carey Street Dispensary, London, from 1796 to 1800, has the following: “There was also among infants and children during the month of January [1796], an epidemic catarrh attended with a watery discharge from the eyes and nostrils, a frequent though slight cough, a shortness of breath, or rather panting, a flushing of the cheeks, great languor with disposition to sleep, and a quick small irregular pulse.... It was succeeded in February by the hooping cough.” Measles, which is usually a catarrhal malady, has undoubtedly been followed by whooping-cough in many individual cases and in epidemics as a whole; and it may be that there is a closer association of whooping-cough with measles than with any other infectious disease. In the table on p. 647, the deaths by whooping cough in London from 1731 to 1830 have been reduced to ratios per cent. of the deaths from all causes, in a parallel column with the ratios of measles; it will be seen that the increase of both is equally remarkable towards the end of the table. But the Glasgow ratios abstracted by Watt show no such decided increase of whooping-cough from 1783 to 1812, side by side with the astonishing increase of measles; while his annual bills for the same period show that there were many deaths from whooping-cough in Glasgow for years before measles began to replace smallpox or to divide the mortality with it. The first high monthly mortalities from whooping-cough in Watt’s bills were from November, 1785, to the end of 1786; but there had been so little measles for twenty-four months before that epidemic began, that only one death from it is recorded all the time. Again, the great measles epidemic of 1808 in Glasgow was indeed followed by many deaths from whooping-cough in 1809; but, while the height of the measles epidemic was in May and June, 1808, it was not until April, 1809, that whooping-cough began to cause many deaths. _Glasgow: Deaths by measles and whooping-cough._ Whooping-cough Measles 1807 Nov. 18 2 Dec. 18 1 1808 Jan. 10 2 Feb. 20 2 March 12 5 April 18 71 May 9 259 June 9 260 July 2 118 Aug. 2 32 Sept. 2 22 Oct. 2 10 Nov. 4 4 Dec. 2 2 1809 Jan. 7 4 Feb. 6 4 March 7 2 April 16 1 May 22 4 June 25 4 July 22 6 Aug. 15 2 Sept. 35 4 Oct. 23 1 Nov. 36 2 Dec. 45 10 1810 Jan. 33 4 Feb. 32 4 March 19 3 Whatever correspondence or relation there may be between measles and whooping-cough, (and it has been remarked by many in the ordinary way of experience), it eludes the method of statistics[1244]. As for the catarrhs of infants and children other than those which are part of the actual attack of measles or influenza, they are so common from year to year, and even from month to month, (perhaps coincident with teething, or with chicken-pox or other slight febrile disturbance), that a statistical study of whooping-cough in relation to them could lead only to an empirical, and possibly bewildering, result. It may be more useful to consider the antecedent probability of some such relationship, arising out of the pathology of the convulsive cough. Whooping-cough is not only a paroxysmal cough coming on in convulsive fits at intervals, but the paroxysms, as they recur for many weeks, or, as they say in Japan, “for a hundred days,” have none of the obvious occasions of coughing, such as catarrh of the mucous membrane, congestion of the lungs from hot or close air, irritation of the bronchial tubes from dusty particles or vapours, or the presence of tubercles in the substance of the lungs. Such irritants can, indeed, produce whooping-cough, as in the following instance of “artificial chincough” related by Watt: Two children having quarelled in their play, one of them thrust a handful of sawdust into the mouth of the other. Some of the sawdust passed into the windpipe. After a short time the child began to have violent convulsive fits of coughing, in which the whoop was very distinctly formed. Expectoration in the course of a few hours removed all the irritation, and the coughing thereupon ceased. But in natural or ordinary whooping-cough there is no mechanical irritation, there is nothing to cough up, the reflex action, violent and paroxysmal though it be, has apparently no motive. I have, in another work, offered an original explanation of the paroxysmal cough of children as being the deferred reaction, the postponed liability, the stored-up memory, of some past catarrhal or otherwise irritated state of the respiratory organs, to which I refer without attempting to summarize it here[1245]. The epidemicity of whooping-cough presents no more difficulty if the malady be viewed as the sequel or dregs of something else than if it be taken for an independent primary affection. The many infants and children that suffer from it together may have equally been suffering together from one or other of the various things of which it is assumed to be the sequel--influenza, measles, sore-throat, the bronchitis of rickets, simple bronchial catarrh of the winter, simple coryza. Again, it may be a secondary or residual affection with many, but a communicable disease to others. Much of the whooping-cough of an epidemic is believed by good authorities, such as Bouchut and Struges[1246], to be simply mimetic, or a habit of coughing acquired by hearing other children coughing in a particular way, just as chorea is sometimes acquired in schools or hospital-wards through the mere spectacle of it. But it may be doubted whether much of the whooping-cough which swells the bills of mortality is acquired in that way. The children that die of it are probably most of them such as had only escaped dying of the measles or other infective disease, or of the non-specific catarrh, which had preceded the whooping-cough.

Chapters

1. Chapter 1 2. CHAPTER I. 3. CHAPTER II. 4. CHAPTER III. 5. CHAPTER IV. 6. CHAPTER V. 7. CHAPTER VI. 8. CHAPTER VII. 9. CHAPTER VIII. 10. CHAPTER IX. 11. CHAPTER I. 12. 1670. From 1673 to 1676, the constitution was a comatose fever, which 13. 1675. In 1678 the “intermittent” constitution returned, having been absent 14. 1709. The following shows the rise of the price of the quarter of wheat in 15. 600. The infection was virulent during the winter, when Portsmouth was 16. 1754. This outbreak was only one of a series; but as it attacked a 17. 1755. He had the weekly bills of mortality before him, and he makes 18. chapter II.) are not without value, as showing that the “putrid” or 19. 87. It passed as one of the healthiest cities in the kingdom, being far 20. 1795. This epidemic must have been somewhat special to Ashton, for it 21. 1828. It was a somewhat close repetition of the epidemic of 1817-19, 22. 619. In all England, the last quarter of 1846 was also most unhealthy, its 23. 1882. The registration district had only 95 deaths from enteric fever 24. CHAPTER II. 25. 1655. There were twenty-seven victuallers or other ships riding in Dundalk 26. 1818. It was in great part typhus, but towards the end of the epidemic, 27. 1835. It will appear from the following (by Geary) that it was largely an 28. 1849. After the subsidence of the great epidemic of relapsing and typhus 29. CHAPTER III. 30. 1782. It is possible that our own recent experience of a succession of 31. 1551. There were certainly two seasons of these agues, 1557 and 1558, the 32. 1675. The prevailing intermittent fevers, he says, gave place to a new 33. 1686. Sydenham records nothing beyond that date, having shortly after 34. 1775. The latter, however, was a summer epidemic, and was naturally less 35. 1762. On the other hand the epidemics of autumn, winter or spring in 1729, 36. 1782. In the London bills the weekly deaths rose in March, to an average 37. 3. After being general, did it occur for some time in single 38. 5. If so, is it likely that clothes or fomites conveyed it in any 39. 1837. The London bills of mortality compiled by the Parish Clerks’ Company 40. 1733. There is nothing to note between Boyle and Arbuthnot; for Willis 41. 1647. First catarrh mentioned in American annals, in the same year 42. 1655. Influenza in America, in the same year with violent earthquakes 43. 1675. Influenza in Europe while Etna was still in a state of 44. 1688. Influenza in Europe in the same year with an eruption of 45. 1693. Influenza in Europe in the same year with an eruption in Iceland 46. 1688. The greatest of them all, that of Smyrna, on the 10th of July, was a 47. CHAPTER IV. 48. 2. If the patient be sprung from a stock in which smallpox is wont to 49. 3. If the attack fall in the flower of life, when the spirits are 50. 4. If the patient be harassed by fever, or by sorrow, love or any 51. 5. If the patient be given to spirituous liquors, vehement exercise or 52. 6. If the attack come upon women during certain states of health 53. 8. If the heating regimen had been carried to excess, or other 54. 9. If the patient had met a chill at the outset, checking the 55. 11. If the attack happen during a variolous epidemic constitution of 56. 14. If the patient be apprehensive as to the result. 57. 1. Whether the distemper given by inoculation be an effectual security to 58. 2. Whether the hazard of inoculation be considerably less than that of the 59. 1200. In 1754 Middleton had done 800 inoculations, with one death. The 60. 1725. Forty-three died, “mostly of the smallpox.” 61. 1766. The annals kept by Sims of Tyrone overlap those of Rutty by a few 62. introduction of vaccination are still every year inoculated with the 63. introduction into the system;” and this he had been doing in the name of 64. CHAPTER V. 65. 1763. Before the date of the Infirmary Book, Watson records an 66. 1766. May to July. Many entries in the book; Watson says: 67. 1768. Great epidemic, May to July; one hundred and twelve in the 68. 1773. Nov. and Dec. Great epidemic: maximum of 130 cases of measles in 69. 1774. May. A slight outbreak (8 cases at one time). 70. 1783. March and April. Great epidemic: maximum number of cases in the 71. 1786. March and April. Maximum on April 5th--measles 47, recovering 72. 1802. 8 had measles, one died. 73. CHAPTER VI. 74. CHAPTER VII. 75. 1802. It ceased in summer, but returned at intervals during the years 76. introduction of the eruption of scarlatina into his description”--as if 77. CHAPTER VIII. 78. 1665. As Sydenham and Willis have left good accounts of the London 79. CHAPTER IX. 80. 1831. Two medical men were at the same time commissioned by the Government 81. 1832. But in June there was a revival, and thereafter a steady increase to 82. 1533. During the same time Gateshead with a population of 26,000, had 433 83. 1306. As in 1832, the infection appeared to die out in the late spring and 84. 849. The Irish papers in the second period are by T. W. Grimshaw, _Dub. 85. 1710. Engl. transl. of the latter, Lond. 1737. 86. 72. The contention of the inspector was that the water-supply had been 87. 113. Sir W. Cecil writing from Westminster to Sir T. Smith on 29th 88. 437. Heberden’s paper was read at the College, Aug. 11, 1767. 89. 1775. October weekly average 323 births 345 deaths 90. 1852. This has been reprinted and brought down to date by Dr Symes 91. 117. This writer’s object is to show that Liverpool escaped most of the 92. 1783. The influenza also began to appear again; and those who had coughs 93. 1786. In the middle of this season the influenza returned, and colds and 94. 1791. Influenza very bad, especially in London. 95. 1808. If it were possible, from authentic documents to compare the history 96. 142. In one of his cases Willis was at first uncertain as to the 97. 141. In those cases there was no inoculation by puncture or otherwise. 98. 1776. _An Introduction to the Plan of the Inoculation Dispensary._ 1778. 99. 5136. Price, _Revers. Payments_. 4th ed. I. 353. 100. 1799. In a subsequent letter (_Med. Phys. Journ._ V., Dec. 1800), he thus 101. 1809. The _Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal_ (VI. 231), in a long review of 102. 25. Read 1 July, 1794. 103. 1689. Engl. Transl. by Cockburn, 1693, p. 39.

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