A History of Epidemics in Britain, Volume 2 (of 2) by Charles Creighton
introduction of the eruption of scarlatina into his description”--as if
2943 words | Chapter 76
his description had been a patchwork of his fancy, with some characters
taken from “diphtheria” and some from scarlet fever. The greatest of our
nosologists, Cullen, had long before that separated “cynanche maligna”
from “scarlatina anginosa,” but the separation was not made on the ground
of absent or present rash. Both had the rash, the cynanche having, besides
a general exanthem, very distinctively the peculiar scarlet redness, with
swelling and stiffness, of the fingers which Fothergill described, while
the scarlatina rash was “commonly more considerable and universal.” Both
also might have a discharge from the nose; but when the coryza did occur
in scarlatina, “it is less acrid, and has not the foetid smell which it
has in the other disease.” It was really on the ground of malignancy or
fatality that Cullen separated them. In forty years he had seen scarlatina
anginosa six or seven times prevailing as an epidemic in Scotland, and he
had seen two or three epidemics of cynanche maligna. He had seen mild
cases in the latter, as well as in the former; but whereas there would be
only one or two malignant cases in a hundred of scarlatina anginosa, the
malignant or putrid cases in an epidemic of cynanche were four-fifths of
the whole[1365]. On the other hand Willan, writing just fifty years before
the modern diphtheria made its appearance, maintained that “no British
author has yet described any epidemical and contagious sore-throat except
that which attends the scarlet fever,” not even Starr, whose “morbus
strangulatorius” he held to be “the most virulent form of
scarlatina[1366].”
The name diphtheria, which appeared for the first time among the
classified causes of death in England in the report for the year 1855
(published two years after), had been given originally in 1826, with the
termination _itis_ according to the then Broussaisian fashion, by
Bretonneau in his account of epidemics at Tours in 1818-21 and at La
Ferrière in 1824-25[1367]. It was in January, 1855, or just before the
disease became general in Europe, that he changed the termination to
_diphtherie_[1368]. This name was taken from διφθέρα, a prepared skin or
hide, suggesting in strict correctness, a certain toughness and texture
which were actually found in only a small proportion of all the
diphtheritic deposits or exudations or sloughing infiltrations in the
first great epidemic and subsequently.
The interval between 1793-94, the date of Rumsey’s diphtheria or “croup”
at Chesham, and the outbreak of diphtheria in England in 1856-59, affords
several instances of the disease, some of which were contemporaneous with
Bretonneau’s in France, but were still called “croup” in this country.
These I shall merely enumerate in a note, passing at once to the
beginnings of the great outbreak[1369].
The first public notice of the reappearance of a fatal throat epidemic in
England appears to have been in the Registrar-General’s third quarterly
report of the year 1857, when attention was drawn to the remarks by
various local registrars (Thame, Billericay, Maldon, Liskeard, Truro and
Chesterfield) as to fatalities from “inflammation of the throat,” “putrid
sore throat,” “malignant sore throat,” “disease in the throat,” and
“throat-fever.” About this time it was also called the “Boulogne sore
throat.” There had been an epidemic at Launceston from 30 September, 1855,
which had come to a height in August, 1856; several deaths had occurred
near Spalding, in Lincolnshire, in July, 1856, and the disease had been
seen at Ash, in Kent, in November, 1856. When the registered causes of
death during the year 1855 were classified (in 1857), “diphtheria” was
credited with 186 deaths, in the Supplementary Table then first
introduced, “cynanche maligna” having 199 deaths. The following shows the
progress of the epidemic during the four first years, and the mode of
entry:
Scarlatina (inclusive
Cynanche of columns 1 and 2 in
Year maligna Diphtheria the general table)
1855 199 186 17,314
1856 374 229 14,160
1857 1273 310 14,229
1858 1770 4836 30,317
In 1857 and 1858 the deaths from croup were above the average, and
probably included some of the new disease.
Accounts of the epidemic began to come into the medical journals[1370]
from various localities in the course of 1858,--from Lincolnshire, Essex,
Kent, Sussex, etc. A systematic inquiry, conducted by Greenhow and
Sanderson for the Medical Department, under the direction of Simon, gave
an exact picture of the several degrees of throat-distemper that
constituted the epidemic in the year 1858, in certain of the more severely
visited centres of Lincolnshire, South Staffordshire, Cornwall, Kent, and
other counties[1371]. The numerous cases of throat disease occurred often
in the midst of scarlatina, but sometimes also where there was no
scarlatina. One of the worst centres was in and around Spalding, a market
town situated in a flat grazing country within the fen district of
Lincolnshire. A thousand cases were counted in and near Spalding, many of
them mild, a small ratio of them gangrenous and mortal; one practitioner
had 200 cases with 5 deaths, another 200 cases with 2 deaths, another 160
cases with 17 deaths (of 65 tabulated with 9 deaths, which occurred in 35
houses, the first four all died from gangrene in June, 1858). The doctor
at Pinchbeck, in the same district, had some 500 cases of which 300
occurred in the space of about six weeks; most of the 19 deaths in his
extensive series happened in the first cases (this was observed also in
the New Hampshire epidemic of 1735). At Launceston, in Cornwall, there
were about a thousand cases known, the height of the epidemic having been
in the summer and autumn of 1856; among 126 taken as they came in 98
families, 18 died. The mildest and the most severe cases were equally
parts of the epidemic constitution, and occurred side by side in the same
households; many of them were quinsies, ulcerated sore-throats, or the
like, others were gangrenous. In this great variety, only a part could be
reckoned “true diphtheria.” From the first, the remarkable sequel of
paralysis, not only of deglutition but of the motor powers generally, was
remarked here and there. Sometimes an eruption of the skin was seen, but
desquamation did not occur[1372]. Albumen in the urine was somewhat
constant. It is noteworthy, the more so that the coincidence was not
remarked at the time, that the true diphtheritic pellicle,--tough,
leathery, elastic,--was found most distinctively, if not exclusively,
where it was found in 1748, namely in Cornwall[1373].
Although the epidemic was not confined to low and damp situations, yet
there was no mistaking the severity of it in Lincolnshire; and although it
fell upon both clean and filthy houses, yet it is probable that the cases
with most pronounced gangrene or foetor happened amidst the most
unwholesome surroundings. The disease was very general in England in 1858.
When the deaths from it in 1859 (9587) were tabulated for the first time
according to counties, it was found that they came from every part of
England and Wales. The highest death-rate was in Lincolnshire, 1·2 per
1000 on the annual average of 1859 and 1860 (995 deaths in the two years).
Sussex, Kent, Essex and Norfolk had also high death-rates, the
agricultural counties in general having somewhat more than their usual
share of an infective mortality as compared with the industrial centres.
But it would be erroneous to suppose that diphtheria was at all specially
a country disease. The mining districts of Staffordshire, Durham and South
Wales had considerable mortalities, and so had Lancashire and the West
Riding. But the North Riding and East Riding had their full share or even
more than their share; whereas, if it had been scarlatina or enteric
fever, they would have been far behind the great industrial division of
Yorkshire in ratio of their populations. In the more recent prevalence of
diphtheria the country districts have lost their preeminence, according to
the following table of death-rates per million living in registration
districts classified roughly as sparse, dense and medium[1374]:
_Diphtheria Death-rates per million, according to density of population._
Period Dense Medium Sparse
1855-60 123 182 248
1861-70 163 164 223
1871-80 114 125 132
In Scotland, also, the incidence was the same: e.g. in 1862, of 997
deaths, 360 were in the towns, 617 in the mainland rural and 20 in the
insular districts[1375].
The law of incidence of diphtheria upon town and country respectively has
become a good deal confused by the extraordinary severity with which
diphtheria has fallen in the last two or three years upon most parts of
London and upon the adjoining municipal boroughs of Croydon and West Ham.
The following table compares the annual death-rates per million in all
England and Wales and in London from the year of the first recognition of
diphtheria to the present time.
_Death-rates from Diphtheria per million, in all England and in London._
Year England London
1855 20 --
1856 32 --
1857 82 --
1858 339 --
1859 517 284
1860 261 174
1861 225 239
1862 241 288
1863 315 275
1864 261 207
1865 126 144
1866 140 152
1867 120 145
1868 137 155
1869 47 107
1870 120 104
1871 111 105
1872 93 80
1873 108 95
1874 150 122
1875 142 167
1876 129 109
1877 111 88
1878 140 155
1879 120 155
1880 109 144
1881 121 171
1882 151 220
1883 158 241
1884 185 236
1885 163 221
1886 147 205
1887 157 226
1888 168 305
1889 185 371
1890 179 330
1891 173 340
1892 222 460
1893 302 740
The deaths in London in 1893 were 3196, having been 1962 the year before,
but never more than half the latter total in any year previous to 1888.
Besides Croydon and West Ham, Cardiff is the great town which has come
nearest the London rate, having had O·68 deaths from diphtheria per 1000
living in 1892, while Swansea had only 0·05, Wolverhampton (including
Bilston and Willenhall) only 0·06, Huddersfield 0·03 and Blackburn 0·02.
In London the very high death-rate of 1893 was distributed not unequally
over all the divisions, the highest mortality corresponding to the highest
fecundity.
_Diphtheria in London in 1893._
Death-rate Diphtheria
District from all causes Birth-rate death-rate
Eastern 25·1 37·3 1·00
Central 26·6 29·0 0·82
Southern 19·9 31·7 0·73
Northern 20·0 29·3 0·73
Western 18·7 26·4 0·52
Diphtheria shows no such decided preference for the late autumnal or early
winter season as scarlatina, but the winter is on the whole its most
fatal season, according to the following annual averages of the quarters
of the year for twenty years from 1870 to 1889 (total of 67,676 deaths in
England and Wales).
_Annual average of Diphtheria deaths in the quarters of the year._
1st qr. 2nd qr. 3rd qr. 4th qr.
903 713 730 1025
According to some recent returns under the Notification Act, which are of
doubtful value owing to the laxity of diagnosis (greater perhaps in
throat-disorders than in any other class of diseases), the second and
third quarters of the year have also the lowest mortality in proportion to
the number of attacks[1376]. As to the ages at which diphtheria proves
fatal, they are somewhat similar to those of fatal scarlatina, but
slightly higher all over; thus, while two-thirds of the deaths from
scarlatina are of infants and children under five years, only one-half of
the deaths from diphtheria are under that age. In the first epidemic
period, 1855-61, Farr reckoned that 1553 adults had died of diphtheria
above the age of twenty-five, while the deaths under that age had been
28,216. In its age-incidence diphtheria is very different from croup,
which attacks chiefly children of one, two, and three years of age, the
boys dying in greater numbers than the girls[1377]. But in all comparisons
between diphtheria and croup, as regards sex and age, it should be kept in
mind that many cases of angina of the throat, which end in death by
extension to the larynx and trachea, are registered as croup, even in
epidemics. Diphtheria is the only epidemic disease besides whooping-cough
which is more fatal to female children than to males in proportion to the
numbers of each sex living. The following annual average death-rates per
million for the period 1855-80 show the higher death-rates of females at
certain age periods[1378]:
All ages 0- 1- 2- 3- 4- 5- 10- 15-20
Males 157 490 724 617 667 589 325 107 50
Females 168 377 673 668 746 694 413 159 57
It is not until the third year that female children begin to die of
diphtheria in excess of males; which means that the usually greater risk
to male infants holds good also in this disease for the two first years,
while some difference between the sexes becomes thereafter so marked as to
turn the balance of fatality to the side of the females. Something of the
same kind happens in whooping-cough; and it is probable that in both
maladies the cause lies in the earlier acquisition by the male of
secondary sexual characters in the throat and larynx, as suggested in the
chapter on whooping-cough.
Conditions Favouring Diphtheria.
The circumstances of the great and sudden explosion of diphtheria in 1858
and 1859 are as likely as any to throw light on the causes or determining
conditions of the disease. Those two years were remarkable for the Thames
running so low in summer as to give out a stench, which was thought to
forebode much fever[1379]. The expected epidemic of fever did not come; on
the contrary the fever deaths in London were much lower than usual in 1858
and 1859, and, to judge from the few admissions of each kind to the London
Fever Hospital, enteric fever declined as well as typhus[1380]. It was
diphtheria that came. The lowness of the rivers was due to a succession of
years with rainfall below the average:
Low rainfall High rainfall
1855 21·1 inches 1865 29·0 inches
1856 22·2 " 1866 30·7 "
1857 21·4 " 1867 28·4 "
1858 17·8 " 1868 25·2 "
1859 25·9 " 1869 24·0 "
---- ----
Average 21·7 " Average 27·4 "
The low state of the rivers was an index of a low level of the
ground-water. If diphtheria is to be included among the infections that
have the habitat of their virus in the soil, it will probably be found to
be affected by irregularities in the movements of the subsoil water. A
series of observations have been made which seem to favour that
hypothesis.
At Maidstone in each of the three years 1885, 1886 and 1887, the
ground-water rose with the greatest regularity and steadiness to its
highest point towards the end of the first quarter of the year, and
fell with equal steadiness to its lowest point in the autumn. During
two of the years there was little diphtheria, and in one of them none.
But, in the next two years, 1888 and 1889, “the levels of the
ground-water oscillated to and fro with unwonted frequence,” having
several maxima in 1888, and a somewhat uniform high level all through
1889; and during those two years there was a severe outbreak of
diphtheria, as well as an excessive number of deaths registered as
“croup[1381].”
The relationship with the ground-water, if any, will probably be found
to be more than ordinarily complex; but some connexion is indicated by
the remarkable selection of the Fen country of Lincolnshire in 1858.
Among the 18th century observations, it was remarked in New England in
1735-36 that the throat distemper was worst near lakes or rivers, as
at Newbury Falls, Hampton Falls, and the like. The ill-reputed
“Kidderminster sore throat,” was associated with the low situation of
weavers’ houses in the valley of the Stour, subject to inundations.
Practitioners in many parts of England and Scotland have suspected an
association with water, even if it were only a mill dam, in the more
recent prevalence of diphtheria[1382].
Diphtheria has affinities in its pathological nature with enteric fever on
the one hand and with scarlatina on the other. The process in the throat
and pharynx is comparable to the typhoid process in the ileum, which is
often a truly diphtheritic process in the second half of the fever[1383].
The affinities to scarlatina are shown best of all in the real ambiguity
of diagnosis in some whole epidemics of the 18th century, if not also in
the great epidemics of _garrotillo_ in the 16th and 17th centuries.
Another singular affinity both to scarlatina and to enteric fever lies in
the fact that diphtheria, as well as each of these, has been distributed
in milk from some particular dairy, and that contamination of the milk by
the products of disease upon the cows’ teats has been found to be the
relevant thing both for the scarlatina and the diphtheria[1384]. Again,
whatever suspicion pertains to slaughter-houses or animal offal for the
production of a scarlatinal miasm, pertains to them also for the
diphtherial. With such more or less real affinities in the pathology and
etiology, it may be made a question whether the recent increase of the
death-rate by diphtheria in London and some other places has depended, as
if in the way of correlation, upon the decrease in the death-rates of
scarlatina and of enteric fever[1385]. Diphtheria is perhaps the most
obscure and complex of all the infective diseases in its causes and
favouring conditions. A certain explanation may seem to suit one outbreak
and be wholly irrelevant for another. More particularly there have been
innumerable cases for which insanitary surroundings cannot be alleged in
any ordinary meaning of the term.
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