A History of Epidemics in Britain, Volume 2 (of 2) by Charles Creighton

introduction of the eruption of scarlatina into his description”--as if

2943 words  |  Chapter 76

his description had been a patchwork of his fancy, with some characters taken from “diphtheria” and some from scarlet fever. The greatest of our nosologists, Cullen, had long before that separated “cynanche maligna” from “scarlatina anginosa,” but the separation was not made on the ground of absent or present rash. Both had the rash, the cynanche having, besides a general exanthem, very distinctively the peculiar scarlet redness, with swelling and stiffness, of the fingers which Fothergill described, while the scarlatina rash was “commonly more considerable and universal.” Both also might have a discharge from the nose; but when the coryza did occur in scarlatina, “it is less acrid, and has not the foetid smell which it has in the other disease.” It was really on the ground of malignancy or fatality that Cullen separated them. In forty years he had seen scarlatina anginosa six or seven times prevailing as an epidemic in Scotland, and he had seen two or three epidemics of cynanche maligna. He had seen mild cases in the latter, as well as in the former; but whereas there would be only one or two malignant cases in a hundred of scarlatina anginosa, the malignant or putrid cases in an epidemic of cynanche were four-fifths of the whole[1365]. On the other hand Willan, writing just fifty years before the modern diphtheria made its appearance, maintained that “no British author has yet described any epidemical and contagious sore-throat except that which attends the scarlet fever,” not even Starr, whose “morbus strangulatorius” he held to be “the most virulent form of scarlatina[1366].” The name diphtheria, which appeared for the first time among the classified causes of death in England in the report for the year 1855 (published two years after), had been given originally in 1826, with the termination _itis_ according to the then Broussaisian fashion, by Bretonneau in his account of epidemics at Tours in 1818-21 and at La Ferrière in 1824-25[1367]. It was in January, 1855, or just before the disease became general in Europe, that he changed the termination to _diphtherie_[1368]. This name was taken from διφθέρα, a prepared skin or hide, suggesting in strict correctness, a certain toughness and texture which were actually found in only a small proportion of all the diphtheritic deposits or exudations or sloughing infiltrations in the first great epidemic and subsequently. The interval between 1793-94, the date of Rumsey’s diphtheria or “croup” at Chesham, and the outbreak of diphtheria in England in 1856-59, affords several instances of the disease, some of which were contemporaneous with Bretonneau’s in France, but were still called “croup” in this country. These I shall merely enumerate in a note, passing at once to the beginnings of the great outbreak[1369]. The first public notice of the reappearance of a fatal throat epidemic in England appears to have been in the Registrar-General’s third quarterly report of the year 1857, when attention was drawn to the remarks by various local registrars (Thame, Billericay, Maldon, Liskeard, Truro and Chesterfield) as to fatalities from “inflammation of the throat,” “putrid sore throat,” “malignant sore throat,” “disease in the throat,” and “throat-fever.” About this time it was also called the “Boulogne sore throat.” There had been an epidemic at Launceston from 30 September, 1855, which had come to a height in August, 1856; several deaths had occurred near Spalding, in Lincolnshire, in July, 1856, and the disease had been seen at Ash, in Kent, in November, 1856. When the registered causes of death during the year 1855 were classified (in 1857), “diphtheria” was credited with 186 deaths, in the Supplementary Table then first introduced, “cynanche maligna” having 199 deaths. The following shows the progress of the epidemic during the four first years, and the mode of entry: Scarlatina (inclusive Cynanche of columns 1 and 2 in Year maligna Diphtheria the general table) 1855 199 186 17,314 1856 374 229 14,160 1857 1273 310 14,229 1858 1770 4836 30,317 In 1857 and 1858 the deaths from croup were above the average, and probably included some of the new disease. Accounts of the epidemic began to come into the medical journals[1370] from various localities in the course of 1858,--from Lincolnshire, Essex, Kent, Sussex, etc. A systematic inquiry, conducted by Greenhow and Sanderson for the Medical Department, under the direction of Simon, gave an exact picture of the several degrees of throat-distemper that constituted the epidemic in the year 1858, in certain of the more severely visited centres of Lincolnshire, South Staffordshire, Cornwall, Kent, and other counties[1371]. The numerous cases of throat disease occurred often in the midst of scarlatina, but sometimes also where there was no scarlatina. One of the worst centres was in and around Spalding, a market town situated in a flat grazing country within the fen district of Lincolnshire. A thousand cases were counted in and near Spalding, many of them mild, a small ratio of them gangrenous and mortal; one practitioner had 200 cases with 5 deaths, another 200 cases with 2 deaths, another 160 cases with 17 deaths (of 65 tabulated with 9 deaths, which occurred in 35 houses, the first four all died from gangrene in June, 1858). The doctor at Pinchbeck, in the same district, had some 500 cases of which 300 occurred in the space of about six weeks; most of the 19 deaths in his extensive series happened in the first cases (this was observed also in the New Hampshire epidemic of 1735). At Launceston, in Cornwall, there were about a thousand cases known, the height of the epidemic having been in the summer and autumn of 1856; among 126 taken as they came in 98 families, 18 died. The mildest and the most severe cases were equally parts of the epidemic constitution, and occurred side by side in the same households; many of them were quinsies, ulcerated sore-throats, or the like, others were gangrenous. In this great variety, only a part could be reckoned “true diphtheria.” From the first, the remarkable sequel of paralysis, not only of deglutition but of the motor powers generally, was remarked here and there. Sometimes an eruption of the skin was seen, but desquamation did not occur[1372]. Albumen in the urine was somewhat constant. It is noteworthy, the more so that the coincidence was not remarked at the time, that the true diphtheritic pellicle,--tough, leathery, elastic,--was found most distinctively, if not exclusively, where it was found in 1748, namely in Cornwall[1373]. Although the epidemic was not confined to low and damp situations, yet there was no mistaking the severity of it in Lincolnshire; and although it fell upon both clean and filthy houses, yet it is probable that the cases with most pronounced gangrene or foetor happened amidst the most unwholesome surroundings. The disease was very general in England in 1858. When the deaths from it in 1859 (9587) were tabulated for the first time according to counties, it was found that they came from every part of England and Wales. The highest death-rate was in Lincolnshire, 1·2 per 1000 on the annual average of 1859 and 1860 (995 deaths in the two years). Sussex, Kent, Essex and Norfolk had also high death-rates, the agricultural counties in general having somewhat more than their usual share of an infective mortality as compared with the industrial centres. But it would be erroneous to suppose that diphtheria was at all specially a country disease. The mining districts of Staffordshire, Durham and South Wales had considerable mortalities, and so had Lancashire and the West Riding. But the North Riding and East Riding had their full share or even more than their share; whereas, if it had been scarlatina or enteric fever, they would have been far behind the great industrial division of Yorkshire in ratio of their populations. In the more recent prevalence of diphtheria the country districts have lost their preeminence, according to the following table of death-rates per million living in registration districts classified roughly as sparse, dense and medium[1374]: _Diphtheria Death-rates per million, according to density of population._ Period Dense Medium Sparse 1855-60 123 182 248 1861-70 163 164 223 1871-80 114 125 132 In Scotland, also, the incidence was the same: e.g. in 1862, of 997 deaths, 360 were in the towns, 617 in the mainland rural and 20 in the insular districts[1375]. The law of incidence of diphtheria upon town and country respectively has become a good deal confused by the extraordinary severity with which diphtheria has fallen in the last two or three years upon most parts of London and upon the adjoining municipal boroughs of Croydon and West Ham. The following table compares the annual death-rates per million in all England and Wales and in London from the year of the first recognition of diphtheria to the present time. _Death-rates from Diphtheria per million, in all England and in London._ Year England London 1855 20 -- 1856 32 -- 1857 82 -- 1858 339 -- 1859 517 284 1860 261 174 1861 225 239 1862 241 288 1863 315 275 1864 261 207 1865 126 144 1866 140 152 1867 120 145 1868 137 155 1869 47 107 1870 120 104 1871 111 105 1872 93 80 1873 108 95 1874 150 122 1875 142 167 1876 129 109 1877 111 88 1878 140 155 1879 120 155 1880 109 144 1881 121 171 1882 151 220 1883 158 241 1884 185 236 1885 163 221 1886 147 205 1887 157 226 1888 168 305 1889 185 371 1890 179 330 1891 173 340 1892 222 460 1893 302 740 The deaths in London in 1893 were 3196, having been 1962 the year before, but never more than half the latter total in any year previous to 1888. Besides Croydon and West Ham, Cardiff is the great town which has come nearest the London rate, having had O·68 deaths from diphtheria per 1000 living in 1892, while Swansea had only 0·05, Wolverhampton (including Bilston and Willenhall) only 0·06, Huddersfield 0·03 and Blackburn 0·02. In London the very high death-rate of 1893 was distributed not unequally over all the divisions, the highest mortality corresponding to the highest fecundity. _Diphtheria in London in 1893._ Death-rate Diphtheria District from all causes Birth-rate death-rate Eastern 25·1 37·3 1·00 Central 26·6 29·0 0·82 Southern 19·9 31·7 0·73 Northern 20·0 29·3 0·73 Western 18·7 26·4 0·52 Diphtheria shows no such decided preference for the late autumnal or early winter season as scarlatina, but the winter is on the whole its most fatal season, according to the following annual averages of the quarters of the year for twenty years from 1870 to 1889 (total of 67,676 deaths in England and Wales). _Annual average of Diphtheria deaths in the quarters of the year._ 1st qr. 2nd qr. 3rd qr. 4th qr. 903 713 730 1025 According to some recent returns under the Notification Act, which are of doubtful value owing to the laxity of diagnosis (greater perhaps in throat-disorders than in any other class of diseases), the second and third quarters of the year have also the lowest mortality in proportion to the number of attacks[1376]. As to the ages at which diphtheria proves fatal, they are somewhat similar to those of fatal scarlatina, but slightly higher all over; thus, while two-thirds of the deaths from scarlatina are of infants and children under five years, only one-half of the deaths from diphtheria are under that age. In the first epidemic period, 1855-61, Farr reckoned that 1553 adults had died of diphtheria above the age of twenty-five, while the deaths under that age had been 28,216. In its age-incidence diphtheria is very different from croup, which attacks chiefly children of one, two, and three years of age, the boys dying in greater numbers than the girls[1377]. But in all comparisons between diphtheria and croup, as regards sex and age, it should be kept in mind that many cases of angina of the throat, which end in death by extension to the larynx and trachea, are registered as croup, even in epidemics. Diphtheria is the only epidemic disease besides whooping-cough which is more fatal to female children than to males in proportion to the numbers of each sex living. The following annual average death-rates per million for the period 1855-80 show the higher death-rates of females at certain age periods[1378]: All ages 0- 1- 2- 3- 4- 5- 10- 15-20 Males 157 490 724 617 667 589 325 107 50 Females 168 377 673 668 746 694 413 159 57 It is not until the third year that female children begin to die of diphtheria in excess of males; which means that the usually greater risk to male infants holds good also in this disease for the two first years, while some difference between the sexes becomes thereafter so marked as to turn the balance of fatality to the side of the females. Something of the same kind happens in whooping-cough; and it is probable that in both maladies the cause lies in the earlier acquisition by the male of secondary sexual characters in the throat and larynx, as suggested in the chapter on whooping-cough. Conditions Favouring Diphtheria. The circumstances of the great and sudden explosion of diphtheria in 1858 and 1859 are as likely as any to throw light on the causes or determining conditions of the disease. Those two years were remarkable for the Thames running so low in summer as to give out a stench, which was thought to forebode much fever[1379]. The expected epidemic of fever did not come; on the contrary the fever deaths in London were much lower than usual in 1858 and 1859, and, to judge from the few admissions of each kind to the London Fever Hospital, enteric fever declined as well as typhus[1380]. It was diphtheria that came. The lowness of the rivers was due to a succession of years with rainfall below the average: Low rainfall High rainfall 1855 21·1 inches 1865 29·0 inches 1856 22·2 " 1866 30·7 " 1857 21·4 " 1867 28·4 " 1858 17·8 " 1868 25·2 " 1859 25·9 " 1869 24·0 " ---- ---- Average 21·7 " Average 27·4 " The low state of the rivers was an index of a low level of the ground-water. If diphtheria is to be included among the infections that have the habitat of their virus in the soil, it will probably be found to be affected by irregularities in the movements of the subsoil water. A series of observations have been made which seem to favour that hypothesis. At Maidstone in each of the three years 1885, 1886 and 1887, the ground-water rose with the greatest regularity and steadiness to its highest point towards the end of the first quarter of the year, and fell with equal steadiness to its lowest point in the autumn. During two of the years there was little diphtheria, and in one of them none. But, in the next two years, 1888 and 1889, “the levels of the ground-water oscillated to and fro with unwonted frequence,” having several maxima in 1888, and a somewhat uniform high level all through 1889; and during those two years there was a severe outbreak of diphtheria, as well as an excessive number of deaths registered as “croup[1381].” The relationship with the ground-water, if any, will probably be found to be more than ordinarily complex; but some connexion is indicated by the remarkable selection of the Fen country of Lincolnshire in 1858. Among the 18th century observations, it was remarked in New England in 1735-36 that the throat distemper was worst near lakes or rivers, as at Newbury Falls, Hampton Falls, and the like. The ill-reputed “Kidderminster sore throat,” was associated with the low situation of weavers’ houses in the valley of the Stour, subject to inundations. Practitioners in many parts of England and Scotland have suspected an association with water, even if it were only a mill dam, in the more recent prevalence of diphtheria[1382]. Diphtheria has affinities in its pathological nature with enteric fever on the one hand and with scarlatina on the other. The process in the throat and pharynx is comparable to the typhoid process in the ileum, which is often a truly diphtheritic process in the second half of the fever[1383]. The affinities to scarlatina are shown best of all in the real ambiguity of diagnosis in some whole epidemics of the 18th century, if not also in the great epidemics of _garrotillo_ in the 16th and 17th centuries. Another singular affinity both to scarlatina and to enteric fever lies in the fact that diphtheria, as well as each of these, has been distributed in milk from some particular dairy, and that contamination of the milk by the products of disease upon the cows’ teats has been found to be the relevant thing both for the scarlatina and the diphtheria[1384]. Again, whatever suspicion pertains to slaughter-houses or animal offal for the production of a scarlatinal miasm, pertains to them also for the diphtherial. With such more or less real affinities in the pathology and etiology, it may be made a question whether the recent increase of the death-rate by diphtheria in London and some other places has depended, as if in the way of correlation, upon the decrease in the death-rates of scarlatina and of enteric fever[1385]. Diphtheria is perhaps the most obscure and complex of all the infective diseases in its causes and favouring conditions. A certain explanation may seem to suit one outbreak and be wholly irrelevant for another. More particularly there have been innumerable cases for which insanitary surroundings cannot be alleged in any ordinary meaning of the term.

Chapters

1. Chapter 1 2. CHAPTER I. 3. CHAPTER II. 4. CHAPTER III. 5. CHAPTER IV. 6. CHAPTER V. 7. CHAPTER VI. 8. CHAPTER VII. 9. CHAPTER VIII. 10. CHAPTER IX. 11. CHAPTER I. 12. 1670. From 1673 to 1676, the constitution was a comatose fever, which 13. 1675. In 1678 the “intermittent” constitution returned, having been absent 14. 1709. The following shows the rise of the price of the quarter of wheat in 15. 600. The infection was virulent during the winter, when Portsmouth was 16. 1754. This outbreak was only one of a series; but as it attacked a 17. 1755. He had the weekly bills of mortality before him, and he makes 18. chapter II.) are not without value, as showing that the “putrid” or 19. 87. It passed as one of the healthiest cities in the kingdom, being far 20. 1795. This epidemic must have been somewhat special to Ashton, for it 21. 1828. It was a somewhat close repetition of the epidemic of 1817-19, 22. 619. In all England, the last quarter of 1846 was also most unhealthy, its 23. 1882. The registration district had only 95 deaths from enteric fever 24. CHAPTER II. 25. 1655. There were twenty-seven victuallers or other ships riding in Dundalk 26. 1818. It was in great part typhus, but towards the end of the epidemic, 27. 1835. It will appear from the following (by Geary) that it was largely an 28. 1849. After the subsidence of the great epidemic of relapsing and typhus 29. CHAPTER III. 30. 1782. It is possible that our own recent experience of a succession of 31. 1551. There were certainly two seasons of these agues, 1557 and 1558, the 32. 1675. The prevailing intermittent fevers, he says, gave place to a new 33. 1686. Sydenham records nothing beyond that date, having shortly after 34. 1775. The latter, however, was a summer epidemic, and was naturally less 35. 1762. On the other hand the epidemics of autumn, winter or spring in 1729, 36. 1782. In the London bills the weekly deaths rose in March, to an average 37. 3. After being general, did it occur for some time in single 38. 5. If so, is it likely that clothes or fomites conveyed it in any 39. 1837. The London bills of mortality compiled by the Parish Clerks’ Company 40. 1733. There is nothing to note between Boyle and Arbuthnot; for Willis 41. 1647. First catarrh mentioned in American annals, in the same year 42. 1655. Influenza in America, in the same year with violent earthquakes 43. 1675. Influenza in Europe while Etna was still in a state of 44. 1688. Influenza in Europe in the same year with an eruption of 45. 1693. Influenza in Europe in the same year with an eruption in Iceland 46. 1688. The greatest of them all, that of Smyrna, on the 10th of July, was a 47. CHAPTER IV. 48. 2. If the patient be sprung from a stock in which smallpox is wont to 49. 3. If the attack fall in the flower of life, when the spirits are 50. 4. If the patient be harassed by fever, or by sorrow, love or any 51. 5. If the patient be given to spirituous liquors, vehement exercise or 52. 6. If the attack come upon women during certain states of health 53. 8. If the heating regimen had been carried to excess, or other 54. 9. If the patient had met a chill at the outset, checking the 55. 11. If the attack happen during a variolous epidemic constitution of 56. 14. If the patient be apprehensive as to the result. 57. 1. Whether the distemper given by inoculation be an effectual security to 58. 2. Whether the hazard of inoculation be considerably less than that of the 59. 1200. In 1754 Middleton had done 800 inoculations, with one death. The 60. 1725. Forty-three died, “mostly of the smallpox.” 61. 1766. The annals kept by Sims of Tyrone overlap those of Rutty by a few 62. introduction of vaccination are still every year inoculated with the 63. introduction into the system;” and this he had been doing in the name of 64. CHAPTER V. 65. 1763. Before the date of the Infirmary Book, Watson records an 66. 1766. May to July. Many entries in the book; Watson says: 67. 1768. Great epidemic, May to July; one hundred and twelve in the 68. 1773. Nov. and Dec. Great epidemic: maximum of 130 cases of measles in 69. 1774. May. A slight outbreak (8 cases at one time). 70. 1783. March and April. Great epidemic: maximum number of cases in the 71. 1786. March and April. Maximum on April 5th--measles 47, recovering 72. 1802. 8 had measles, one died. 73. CHAPTER VI. 74. CHAPTER VII. 75. 1802. It ceased in summer, but returned at intervals during the years 76. introduction of the eruption of scarlatina into his description”--as if 77. CHAPTER VIII. 78. 1665. As Sydenham and Willis have left good accounts of the London 79. CHAPTER IX. 80. 1831. Two medical men were at the same time commissioned by the Government 81. 1832. But in June there was a revival, and thereafter a steady increase to 82. 1533. During the same time Gateshead with a population of 26,000, had 433 83. 1306. As in 1832, the infection appeared to die out in the late spring and 84. 849. The Irish papers in the second period are by T. W. Grimshaw, _Dub. 85. 1710. Engl. transl. of the latter, Lond. 1737. 86. 72. The contention of the inspector was that the water-supply had been 87. 113. Sir W. Cecil writing from Westminster to Sir T. Smith on 29th 88. 437. Heberden’s paper was read at the College, Aug. 11, 1767. 89. 1775. October weekly average 323 births 345 deaths 90. 1852. This has been reprinted and brought down to date by Dr Symes 91. 117. This writer’s object is to show that Liverpool escaped most of the 92. 1783. The influenza also began to appear again; and those who had coughs 93. 1786. In the middle of this season the influenza returned, and colds and 94. 1791. Influenza very bad, especially in London. 95. 1808. If it were possible, from authentic documents to compare the history 96. 142. In one of his cases Willis was at first uncertain as to the 97. 141. In those cases there was no inoculation by puncture or otherwise. 98. 1776. _An Introduction to the Plan of the Inoculation Dispensary._ 1778. 99. 5136. Price, _Revers. Payments_. 4th ed. I. 353. 100. 1799. In a subsequent letter (_Med. Phys. Journ._ V., Dec. 1800), he thus 101. 1809. The _Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal_ (VI. 231), in a long review of 102. 25. Read 1 July, 1794. 103. 1689. Engl. Transl. by Cockburn, 1693, p. 39.

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