The Palace and Park by Phillips, Forbes, Latham, Owen, Scharf, and Shenton
INTRODUCTION.
5039 words | Chapter 554
DESTRUCTION OF HERCULANEUM AND POMPEII.
“Many a calamity has befallen the world ere now, yet none like this
replete with instruction and delight for remote generations.”--GOETHE.
[Illustration: View of Naples and Mount Vesuvius.]
Near the modern city of Naples, at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, once
stood the ancient cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Whilst the former
was considerably removed from the volcano, the latter was seated
immediately at the base of the mountain, on a promontory projecting into
the bay.
Vesuvius was not considered dangerous by the ancient occupants of the
soil, as no eruption had ever been known to take place. Strabo noticed
the igneous character of its rocks, but the whole district being covered
with vines and plantations, undisturbed since the memory of man, he
thence assumed the fires to be extinct for want of fuel. Even the sides
of the mountain were overgrown with trees, and the summit alone
continued barren and rough. The inhabitants of the neighbourhood were
probably less inclined to consider the possibility of danger to
themselves from the existence of two active volcanoes not far from them
which seemed to serve as a vent for all subterranean commotions--the
one, Mount Ætna; the other, Mount Epopeus in the island now called
Ischia. Ætna, the majestic snowy mountain of Sicily, more than three
times the height of Vesuvius, has been known, from the earliest times,
as an active volcano; and many passages in Æschylus, Pindar, Thucydides,
and Diodorus Siculus might be adduced, commemorating particular
eruptions, &c. Pausanias mentions an instance of the piety of two youths
who saved their parents at Catana (Book 10., ch. xxviii.) during the
descent of the lava which threatened to surround them. In the year 73
B.C., Spartacus, a fugitive slave, at the head of a troop of gladiators
and revolters, encamped on the summit of Vesuvius, where they were
blockaded. The natural ruggedness of the place, and the density of the
vines, favoured their subsequent escape. This is the earliest mention of
the actual appearance of the volcano. The natural beauties of the
district, then called Campania, are glorified by most writers; it was
more particularly celebrated for its fertility and the luxuriant
magnificence of its scenery.
The convulsions of nature have indeed changed the outline of the
mountain, but the varied charms of the beautiful coast remain in
undiminished attraction. Deep shades and crystal streamlets, sunny banks
and refreshing groves, display the natural loveliness of a locality,
favoured with the most luxuriant vegetation, and the finest climate in
the world. These enable us fully to comprehend the pains and trouble
bestowed by the ancient Romans in building villas and marine residences
in so charming a situation. Thus, in the earliest times of the empire,
the more wealthy and luxurious Romans established what we moderns should
denominate watering places, for fashionable resort, on the coast, Baiæ,
Dicæarchia, afterwards Puteoli, Cumæ, Neapolis, and Herculaneum, but the
warm springs of the first two rendered them the most favourite resorts,
and they became the Bath and Brighton of that era.
Lucullus, Pompey and Cæsar, had villas at Baiæ, Nero spent much time
there, and Caligula contributed to the celebrity of the scene by his
extraordinary bridge of boats. Hadrian died at Baiæ; and, at a later
period, Alexander Severus erected many villas in the same neighbourhood.
Some of the most splendid palaces were raised upon artificial
foundations in the sea itself, and nothing could exceed the luxury and
indolence indulged in by the visitors to these regions as depicted by
some of the later poets. Horace himself speaks of the pleasant Baiæ as
the most delicious place in the world.[49] And so it may have been, and
all the neighbouring cities of the bay must have partaken more or less
of the same glories. Pompeii was somewhat removed from these enchanting
scenes, being on the other side of the bay of Naples, and the situation
was not so pleasant as that of its fellow-sufferer Herculaneum. This
city stood on a promontory, open, as Strabo says, to the south wind,
which made it especially healthy. In fact, the art and style of
everything found at Herculaneum show it to have been the resort of a
superior class of people. Pompeii is supposed to have stood on the banks
of the river Sarnus. The town itself was raised upon a considerable
eminence so as to be protected in a great measure from the floods that
at certain times of the year devastated the surrounding plain.
[49] “Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis prælucet amœnis.”--Ep. bk. i. 1, line
83.
The peace and tranquillity of these beautiful regions were first
disturbed by natural convulsions in the year 63 A.D. A violent
earthquake on the 16th February, threw down many parts of Pompeii, and
seriously injured Herculaneum; six hundred sheep were swallowed up at
once, statues were split, and many persons became insane. From this
period, the Pompeians were disturbed by frequent shocks of earthquake;
between the first symptoms in 63 and the dreadful catastrophe which
involved their destruction, evidences still exist of the persevering
endeavours of the inhabitants at restoration and repair. Many mosaics
have been found, which display traces of a very different order of
workmanship, in, the repair of damage caused by the earthquake, from
that employed in their original construction.
In the reign of the emperor Titus, A.D. 79, the celebrated eruption of
Vesuvius broke out, suddenly ejecting dense clouds of ashes and
pumice-stones, beneath which Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabiæ were
completely buried. Awful as such a phenomenon must at all times appear,
the event was still more appalling to the inhabitants as they were
unable, in the confusion of the moment, to comprehend the source whence
these horrors proceeded. An eye witness has fortunately left a detailed
account of the event in two letters which are still preserved. We insert
the greater part of them as best exhibiting the realities of the scene
and the excitement of the unfortunate sufferers.
PLINY’S LETTER TO TACITUS.
“Your request that I would send you an account of my uncle’s death, in
order to transmit a more exact relation of it to posterity, deserves my
acknowledgments; for if this action shall be celebrated by your pen, the
glory of it, I am well assured, will be rendered for ever illustrious.
And notwithstanding he perished by a misfortune, which, as it involved
at the same time a most beautiful country in ruins, and destroyed so
many populous cities, seems to promise him an everlasting remembrance;
notwithstanding he has himself composed many and lasting works, yet I am
persuaded the mentioning of him in your immortal writings will greatly
contribute to eternise his name. Happy I esteem those to be whom
Providence has distinguished with the abilities either of doing such
actions as are worthy of being related, or of relating them in a manner
worthy of being read; but doubly happy are they who are blessed with
both these uncommon talents. In the number of which my uncle, as his own
writings and your history will evidently prove, may justly be ranked. It
is with extreme willingness, therefore, I execute your commands; and
should indeed have claimed the task if you had not enjoined it.
“He was at that time with the fleet under his command at Misenum. On the
24th of August, about one in the afternoon, my mother desired him to
observe a cloud which appeared of a very unusual size and shape. He had
just returned from taking the benefit of the sun, and after bathing
himself in cold water, and taking a slight repast, was retired to his
study. He immediately arose and went out up on an eminence from whence
he might more distinctly view this uncommon appearance. It was not at
that distance discernible from what mountain this cloud issued, but it
was found afterwards to ascend from Mount Vesuvius. I cannot give you a
more exact description of its figure, than by resembling it to that of a
pine tree, for it shot up a great height in the form of a trunk, which
extended itself at the top into sort of branches, occasioned, I imagine,
either by a sudden gust of air that impelled it, the force of which
decreased as it advanced upwards, or the cloud itself being pressed back
again by its own weight, expanded in this manner:--it appeared sometimes
bright and sometimes dark and spotted, as it was either more or less
impregnated with earth and cinder. This extraordinary phenomenon excited
my uncle’s philosophical curiosity to take a nearer view of it. He
ordered a light vessel to be got ready, and gave me the liberty, if I
thought it proper, to attend him; I rather chose to continue my studies;
for, as it happened, he had given me an employment of that kind. As he
was coming out of the house he received a note from Rectina, the wife of
Bassus, who was in the utmost alarm at the imminent danger which
threatened her; for her villa being situated at the foot of Mount
Vesuvius, there was no way to escape but by sea; she earnestly entreated
him, therefore, to come to her assistance. He accordingly changed his
first design, and what he began with a philosophical, he pursued with an
heroical turn of mind. He ordered the galleys to put to sea, and went
himself on board with an intention of assisting, not only Rectina, but
several others; for the villas stand extremely thick upon that beautiful
coast. When hastening to the place from whence others fled with the
utmost terror, he steered his direct course to the point of danger, and
with so much calmness and presence of mind, as to be able to make and
dictate his observations upon the motion and figure of that dreadful
scene. He was now so nigh the mountain, that the cinders, which grew
thicker and hotter the nearer he approached, fell into the ships,
together with pumice stones, and black pieces of burning rock. They were
likewise in danger not only of being aground by the sudden retreat of
the sea, but also from the vast fragments which rolled down from the
mountain, and obstructed all the shore. Here he stopped to consider
whether he should return back again; to which the pilot advising him,
‘Fortune,’ said he, ‘befriends the brave; carry me to Pomponianus.’
Pomponianus was then at Stabiæ, separated by a gulf, which the sea,
after several insensible windings, forms upon the shore. He had already
sent his baggage on board; for though he was not at that time in actual
danger, yet being within the view of it, and indeed extremely near, if
it should in the least increase, he was determined to put to sea as soon
as the wind should change. It was favourable, however, for carrying my
uncle to Pomponianus, whom he found in the greatest consternation. He
embraced him with tenderness, encouraged and exhorted him to keep up his
spirits, and the more to dissipate his fears, he ordered, with an air of
unconcern, the bath to be got ready; when, after having bathed, he sat
down to supper with great cheerfulness, or at least, what is equally
heroic, with all the appearance of it. In the meanwhile, the eruption
from Mount Vesuvius flamed out in several places with much violence,
which the darkness of the night contributed to render still more visible
and dreadful. But my uncle, in order to soothe the apprehensions of his
friend, assured him it was only the burning of the villages, which the
country people had abandoned to the flames; after this he retired to
rest, and it is most certain he was so little discomposed as to fall
into a deep sleep, for being pretty fat, and breathing hard, those who
attended without, actually heard him snore. The court which led to his
apartment being now almost filled with stones and ashes, if he had
continued there any time longer, it would have been impossible for him
to have made his way out; it was thought proper therefore to awaken him.
He got up and went to Pomponianus and the rest of his company, who were
unconcerned enough to think of going to bed. They consulted together
whether it would be most prudent to trust to the houses, which now shook
from side to side with frequent and violent concussions, or fly to the
open fields, where the calcined stones and cinders, though light indeed,
yet fell in large showers, and threatened destruction. In this distress
they resolved for the fields, as the less dangerous situation of the
two. A resolution which, while the rest of the company were hurried into
by their fears, my uncle embraced upon cool and deliberate
consideration. They went out then having pillows tied upon their heads
with napkins, and this was their whole defence against the storm of
stones that fell round them. It was now day everywhere else, but there a
deeper darkness prevailed than in the most obscure night; which,
however, was in some degree dissipated by torches and other lights of
various kinds. They thought proper to go down farther upon the shore, to
observe if they might safely put out to sea, but they found the waves
still run extremely high and boisterous. There my uncle having drank a
draught or two of cold water, threw himself down upon a cloth which was
spread for him, when immediately the flames, and a strong smell of
sulphur, which was the forerunner of them, dispersed the rest of the
company, and obliged him to arise. He raised himself up with the
assistance of two of his servants, and instantly fell down, dead,
suffocated, as I conjecture, by some gross and noxious vapour, having
always had weak lungs, and frequently subject to a difficulty of
breathing. As soon as it was light again, which was not till the third
day after this melancholy accident, his body was found entire, and
without any marks of violence upon it, exactly in the same posture that
he fell, and looking more like a man asleep than dead.
“During all this time my mother and I, who were at Misenum--but as this
has no connection with your history, so your inquiry went no farther
than concerning my uncle’s death; with that therefore I will put an end
to my letter. Suffer me only to add, that I have faithfully related to
you what I was either an eyewitness of myself, or received immediately
after the accident happened, and before there was time to vary the
truth.
“You will choose out of this narrative such circumstances as shall be
most suitable to your purpose; for there is a great difference between
what is proper for a letter and a history--between writing to a friend
and writing to the public. Farewell.”
TO CORNELIUS TACITUS.
“The letter which, in compliance with your request, I wrote concerning
the death of my uncle, has raised, it seems, your curiosity to know what
terrors and dangers attended me, while I continued at Misenum; for
there, I think, the account in my former broke off. Though my shocked
soul recoils, my tongue shall tell. My uncle having left us, I pursued
the studies which prevented my going with him, till it was time to
bathe. After which I went to supper, and from thence to bed, where my
sleep was greatly broken and disturbed. There had been for many days
before some shocks of an earthquake, which the less surprised us as they
are extremely frequent in Campania; but they were so particularly
violent that night, that they not only shook every thing about us, but
seemed indeed to threaten total destruction. My mother flew to my
chamber, where she found me rising, in order to awaken her. We went out
into a small court belonging to the house, which separated the sea from
the buildings. As I was at that time but eighteen years of age, I know
not whether I should call my behaviour in this dangerous juncture
courage or rashness; but I took up Livy and amused myself with turning
over that author, and even making extracts from him, as if all about me
had been in full security. While we were in this posture, a friend of
my uncle’s who was just come from Spain to pay a visit, joined us, and
observing me sitting by my mother with a book in my hand, greatly
condemned her calmness, at the same time that he reproved me for my
careless security; nevertheless I still went on with my author. Though
it was now morning, the light was exceedingly faint and languid; the
buildings all around us tottered, and though we stood upon open ground,
yet as the place was narrow and confined, there was no remaining there
without certain and great danger; we therefore resolved to quit the
town. The people followed us in the utmost consternation, and (as to the
mind distracted with terror, every suggestion seems more prudent than
its own) pressed in great crowds about us in our way out. Being got at a
convenient distance from the houses, we stood still, in the midst of a
most dangerous and dreadful scene. The chariots which we had ordered to
be drawn out, were so agitated backwards and forwards, though upon the
most level ground, that we could not keep them steady, even by
supporting them with large stones. The sea seemed to roll back upon
itself, and to be driven from its banks by the convulsive motion of the
earth; it is certain, at least, the shore was considerably enlarged, and
several sea animals were left upon it. On the other side a black and
dreadful cloud, bursting with an igneous serpentine vapour, darted out a
long train of fire resembling flashes of lightning, but much larger.
Upon this our Spanish friend, whom I mentioned above, addressing himself
to my mother and me with greater warmth and earnestness, ‘If your
brother and your uncle,’ said he, ‘is safe, he certainly wishes you may
be so too; but if he perished, it was his desire, no doubt, that you
might both survive him. Why, therefore, do you delay your escape a
moment?’ ‘We could never think of our own safety,’ we said, ‘while we
were uncertain of his.’ Hereupon our friend left us, and withdrew from
the danger with the utmost precipitation. Soon afterwards the cloud
seemed to descend and cover the whole ocean; as indeed it entirely hid
the island of Caprea and the promontory of Misenum. My mother strongly
conjured me to make my escape at any rate, which, as I was young, I
might easily do; as for herself, she said, her age and corpulency
rendered all attempts of that sort impossible; however, she should
willingly meet death, if she could have the satisfaction of seeing that
she was not the occasion of mine. But I absolutely refused to leave her,
and taking her by the hand, I led her on: she complied with great
reluctance, and not without many reproaches to herself for retarding my
flight. The ashes now begun to fall upon us, though in no great
quantity; I turned my head, and observed behind us a thick smoke, which
came rolling after us like a torrent. I proposed, while we had yet any
light, to turn out of the high road, lest we should be pressed to death
in the dark, by the crowd that followed us. We had scarce stepped out of
the path, when a darkness overspread us, not like that of a cloudy
night, or when there is no moon, but of a room when it is shut up, and
all the lights extinct. Nothing then was to be heard but the shrieks of
women, the screams of children, and the cries of men; some calling for
their children, others for their parents, others for their husbands, and
only distinguishing each other by their voices; one lamenting his own
fate, another that of his family; some wishing to die, from the very
fear of dying; some lifting up their hands to the gods; but the greater
part imagining that the last and eternal night was come, which was to
destroy both the gods and the world together. Among these there are some
who augmented the real terrors by imaginary ones, and made the frighted
multitude falsely believe that Misenum was actually in flames. At length
a glimmering light appeared, which we imagined to be rather the
forerunner of an approaching burst of flames (as in truth it was), than
the return of day; however, the fire fell at a distance from us: then
again we were immersed in thick darkness, and a heavy shower of ashes
rained upon us, which we were obliged every now and then to shake off,
otherwise we should have been crushed and buried in the heap; I might
boast that, during all this scene of horror, not a sigh or expression of
fear escaped from me; had not my support been founded in that miserable,
though strong consolation, that all mankind were involved in the same
calamity, and that I imagined I was perishing with the world itself. At
last this dreadful darkness was dissipated by degrees, like a cloud of
smoke; the real day returned, and even the sun appeared, though very
faintly, and as when an eclipse is coming on. Every object that
presented itself to our eyes (which were extremely weakened) seemed
changed, being covered over with white ashes as with a deep snow. We
returned to Misenum, where we refreshed ourselves as well as we could,
and passed an anxious night between hope and fear, though, indeed, with
a much larger share of the latter; for the earthquake still continued,
while several enthusiastic people ran up and down, heightening their own
and their friend’s calamities, by terrible predictions. However, my
mother and I, notwithstanding the danger we had passed, and that which
still threatened us, had no thoughts of leaving the place till we
should receive some account of my uncle.
“And now you will read this narrative without any view of inserting it
in your history, of which it is by no means worthy; and indeed you must
impute it to your own request, if it shall appear scarce to deserve even
the trouble of a letter. Farewell.”
* * * * *
Shortly after the catastrophe all memorials of the devoted cities were
lost; discussions on the places they had once occupied were excited only
by some obscure passages in classical authors. Five successive eruptions
contributed to bury them still deeper under the surface, and the sixth,
which occurred in the year 1036, is the first instance of an emission of
lava. Before that time the only agents of desolation were showers of
sand, cinders, and scoriæ, together with loose fragments of rock.
Volcanic ashes poured out in a current have been known to darken the air
for hours, and even for days. Such must have been the nature of the
phenomenon which the younger Pliny saw and compared to a lofty pine.
Dion Cassius states that the ashes of this eruption were carried as far
as Africa, and that the dust was so abundant as even to darken the air
in the neighbourhood of Rome. Steam poured out in vast quantities, and
uniting with the ashes that fell upon Herculaneum, formed a torrent of
mud, imbedding all in solid tufa, whilst the ashes of Pompeii were not
impregnated, and all lay in this city loose and unconsolidated. Stones
of eight pounds weight fell on Pompeii, whilst Stabiæ was overwhelmed
with fragments of about an ounce in weight, which must have drifted in
immense quantities. During a later eruption fine ashes were borne by the
wind as far as Constantinople. Whilst the ancient cities thus lay buried
and forgotten, Neapolis, the residence and burial-place of Virgil,[50]
grew into the great modern city of Naples, extending its suburban
villages along the shore, and connecting itself by a chain of houses to
the very roots of Vesuvius. The next town to Naples is Portici. It
contains 6000 inhabitants. Immediately adjoining Portici is the still
larger town of Resina, with a population of 11,000 souls. These bustling
and much frequented places are built upon the lava which covers
Herculaneum.
[50] See Portrait Gallery, No. 121.
DISCOVERY OF THE ANCIENT CITIES.
[Illustration: Part of the Bay of Naples, showing the relative positions
of Naples, Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabiæ to Mount Vesuvius.]
In the year 1689, during some excavations in the plain at the foot of
Vesuvius, where it was subsequently proved that Pompeii had flourished,
a workman observed the regularity with which successive layers of earth
and volcanic matter had been deposited. He compared them to pavements
one upon the other; with remains of burnt vegetation, charcoal, and
common earth beneath each volcanic deposit. Under one of these dense
masses of scoria, dust, and pumice stone, he found large quantities of
carbonised timber, locks, and iron work, evidently the remains of
habitations, which, together with some old keys, and inscriptions giving
the name of the locality, satisfied the learned of the day that they
belonged to the ancient city of Pompeii. (Venuti, p. 37. Mém. de
l’Académie Fran.; Mém. de Littérature, tom. xv. Des Embrasemens du Mont
Vésuve, and also Bianchini, Istoria Universale, Roma, 1699, p. 246.
Cochin, p. 31). The discovery created little excitement at the time; the
government was indisposed to prosecute the research, and no farther
excavation was carried on till the year 1749.
Meanwhile, the accidental sinking of a well in another place brought to
light such treasures of art as to induce a systematic exploration in a
more profitable locality. This was in the neighbourhood of Naples, where
after seventeen centuries the city of Herculaneum was once more rescued
from oblivion. The circumstances which led to the discovery are briefly
these. The prince D’Elbœuf, of the house of Lorraine, came to Naples in
1706 (Cochin, p. 35), and ordered the construction of a marine villa for
himself at Portici, in 1711. (Venuti, p. 38. Gori, Admiranda, p. 39.) He
had a Frenchman in his service, who possessed the art of making a
durable stucco from pulverised marble, and as many fragments of antique
marbles as possible were collected for the manufacture of his
composition. One day a countryman presented himself, asserting that in
sinking a well at Resina (Venuti, p. 39), he had discovered a variety of
precious marbles, some of which he had brought with him as specimens.
These marbles were so beautiful and rare, that the prince was induced to
purchase of the man the right of further excavation, and he immediately
commenced a systematic course of exploration upon that spot. The stucco
prepared by the Frenchman was not only an imitation of precious marbles,
but also a cement similar to that employed by the ancients. Most of the
antique buildings were so plastered internally, as it was harder and
more durable than marble in its natural state. The excavators,
therefore, were more delighted when they found large plain slabs and
shafts of columns than elaborately carved foliage and statues, because
the latter afforded them a smaller quantity of actual material.
Stendardo was appointed to direct the works which were carried on
branching sideways from the well, just above the level of the water;
(Gori, p. 40. Venuti, p. 39. Cochin, p. 37;) at the expiration of two
days, they found a statue of Hercules, evidently from a Grecian chisel,
and they remarked with astonishment that it had formerly been restored
(Gori, p. 40). Some days after this they came upon a female statue,
which was at once pronounced to be a Cleopatra (Gori, p. 40). They next
extricated a large square mass of marble, and upon removing a crust of
bituminous matter it was found to be the architrave of a gateway, with
letters of bronze inlaid into the surface. The inscription was
APPIVS. PVLCHER. CAII. FILIVS.
VIR. EPVLONVM. (Venuti, p. 39.)
Many columns of variegated alabaster were next discovered, and this led
to the excavation of a circular temple, with twenty-four columns, and
statues of Greek marble between them (Gori, p. 41). The pavement of this
building was constructed of that rich yellow marble, called _Giallo
antico_, and many columns of the same material lay in the vicinity.
Seven of the twelve figures belonging to the temple were female,
executed in a superior Grecian style. Prince Elbœuf dispatched them to
Vienna as a present to Prince Eugene of Savoy (Venuti, p. 39). The best
of these statues were afterwards sold to the King of Poland for 60,000
scudi; they are now at Dresden, and engraved in plates 19 to 26 of
Becker’s “Augusteum” (Winckelmann, Werke, vol. ii. p. 135). The prince
evidently knew very little of the real value of his discoveries, and
during the next five years continued disinterring pieces of mosaic
alabaster slabs, and a few statues, some of which decorated his villa,
and the rest were sent over to France. Upon the discovery of a beautiful
statue of one of the daughters of Balbus, the state interfered, and the
Neapolitan government prohibited any further excavations. For thirty
years the site was almost forgotten. In 1736, the King Carlo III.
(Borbone) resolved to build a palace at Portici, and the ancient well
was once more resorted to. The excavations were resumed, and very
important results followed.
Animated discussions were still maintained respecting the name of the
ancient city, for a city the excavations had already proved it to be. A
communication to the Royal Society by a Mr. Sloane, in 1740, exhibits
the matter as still in a state of uncertainty. The Marquis Venuti,
keeper of the Farnese library which Carlo Borbone had inherited from
Rome, was appointed superintendent of the excavations at Resina. He has
left minute records of his proceedings both in the “Admiranda Notizia,”
2 et. seq., of Gori, and in his own work published at Venice and London,
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