The Palace and Park by Phillips, Forbes, Latham, Owen, Scharf, and Shenton
3. Sometimes they are filed down to the gums.
16721 words | Chapter 536
Dyeing may follow filing, or not, as the case may be.
In Sumatra, where a jetty blackness is aimed at, the empyreumatic oil of
the cocoa-nut is used. Even, however, if no dyeing follow, the teeth
will become black from the simple filing, if the chewing of the
betel-nut be habitual.
_d._ _Distension of the ears._--Many of the tribes that file their
teeth, also distend their ears. Both are Malay habits. In some parts of
Sumatra, when the child is young, the ear is bored, and rings are put
in. In other parts, however, the rings are weighted, so as to pull down
the lobe; or ornaments, gradually increased in diameter, are inserted;
so that the perforation becomes enlarged.
Simple perforation may extend to a mere multiplication of the holes of
the ear. In Borneo, the Sakarran tribes wear more earrings than one, and
are distinguished accordingly; “when you meet a man with many rings
distrust him” being one of their cautions. Mr. Brooke met a Sakarran
with twelve rings in his ear.
_e._ _Growth of the nails._--In parts of Borneo, the right thumbnail is
encouraged to grow to a great length. So it is in parts of the
Philippines.
_Running-a-muck._--A Malay is capable of so far working himself into
fury, of so far yielding to some spontaneous impulse, or of so far
exciting himself by stimulants, as to become totally regardless of what
danger he exposes himself to. Hence, he rushes forth as an infuriated
animal, and attacks all who fall in his way, until having expended his
morbid fury he falls down exhausted. This is called _running-a-muck_.
_Gambling._--This habit, or rather passion, is shared by the Malays, the
Indians, the Chinese, and the Indo-Chinese; quail-fighting and
cock-fighting being the forms in which it shows itself. A Malay will
lose all his property on a favourite bird; and, having lost that, stake
his family; and after the loss of wife and children, his own personal
liberty: being prepared to serve as a slave in case of losing.
_Narcotic stimulants and masticatories._--Chewing the betel-nut is
almost universal in some of the Malay countries; the use of opiates and
tobacco being also common.
The nut of the _Areca catechu_, is wrapped in the leaf of the _piper
betel_, the first being astringent, the second pungent. The addition of
lime completes the preparation. This stimulates the salivary glands,
tinges the saliva red, and discolours the teeth.
Of the chief islands occupied by the Malay family, the first two under
notice are
SUMATRA--and
JAVA.--These being taken together, give us
GROUP III. (p. 91.)
A. SUMATRANS. B. JAVANESE (OPIUM SMOKERS).
A. The populations of Sumatra exhibit different degrees of civilisation
to an extent found in few areas of equal size: the difference in their
religious creeds being proportionately broad. There are the extreme
forms of rude paganism; there are traces of the Indian forms of
religion; and there is Mahometanism. The least clothed of the figures
before us is a _Lubu_, one of the wildest, rudest, and weakest of all
the populations. The position of the Lubus in Sumatra is that of the
Bushmen of South Africa, for they are a fragmentary population, driven
into the more inaccessible districts by tribes stronger than themselves;
without arts, and without settled habitations.
The next are _Battas_, whose civilisation is some degrees above that of
the Lubus. A great part of their present area belonged to this last
named population, who are, probably, Battas in the very lowest stage of
development. These require further notice. They belong to the northern
half of Sumatra, though without reaching the northern extremity of the
island.
At the very northern end we have the kingdom of Atshin, Achin, or
Acheen, where the religion is Mahometan, and where the alphabet is the
Arabic; Atshin being the part of Sumatra where the influence of the
Arabian trade, Arabian religion, and Arabian language, have been the
greatest.
South of Atshin is the Batta country. Here there is only an imperfect
Mahometanism, with no use of the Arabic alphabet, and but little
tincture of Arab cultivation.
The rivers in the Batta country are inconsiderable, so are the forests;
for the country is an elevated platform--dry, exposed, and parched. The
luxuriant vegetation of so many regions in this part of the world, finds
no place here; and instead of it, we have sand, hardened clay, bare
rocks swept by strong currents of wind and exposed to an equatorial sun.
The Battas are cannibals; they are also a lettered population. It is
believed that this combination of rudeness and civilisation occurs
nowhere else, a combination which, however, is beyond doubt.
In the Batta alphabet we have books, almanacks, &c.
On the Batta cannibalism, hear so competent an authority as Marsden.
“They,” the Battas, “do not eat human flesh as the means of satisfying
the cravings of nature, for there can be no want of sustenance to the
inhabitants of such a country and climate, who reject no animal food of
any kind; nor is it sought after as a gluttonous delicacy.
“The _Battas_ eat it as a species of ceremony, as a mode of showing
their detestation of certain crimes by an ignominious punishment, and as
a savage display of revenge and insult to their unfortunate enemies. The
objects of this barbarous repast are prisoners taken in war, especially
if badly wounded, the bodies of the slain, and offenders condemned for
certain capital crimes, especially for adultery. Prisoners unwounded
(but they are not much disposed to give quarter) may be ransomed or sold
as slaves, where the quarrel is not too inveterate; and the convicts,
there is reason to believe, rarely suffer when their friends are in
circumstances to redeem them by the customary equivalent of twenty
_binchangs_, or eighty dollars. These are tried by the people of the
tribe where the offence was committed, but cannot be executed until
their own particular _raja_ has been made acquainted with the sentence,
who, when he acknowledges the justice of the intended punishment, sends
a cloth to cover the head of the delinquent, together with a large dish
of salt and lemons. The unhappy victim is then delivered into the hands
of the injured party (if it be a private wrong, or, in the case of a
prisoner to the warriors) by whom he is tied to a stake; lances are
thrown at him from a certain distance by this person, his relatives, and
friends; and when mortally wounded, they run up to him, as if in a
transport of passion, cut pieces from the body with their knives, dip
them in the dish of salt, lemon-juice, and red pepper, slightly broil
them over a fire prepared for the purpose, and swallow the morsels with
a degree of savage enthusiasm. Sometimes (I presume according to the
degree of their animosity and resentment) the whole is devoured by the
bystanders; and instances have been known where, with barbarity still
more aggravated, they tear the flesh from the carcase with their teeth.
To such a depth of depravity may man be plunged, when neither religion
nor philosophy enlighten his steps! All that can be said in extenuation
of the horror of this diabolical ceremony is, that no view appears to be
entertained of torturing the sufferers, of increasing or lengthening out
the pangs of death; the whole fury is directed against the corpse, warm,
indeed, with the remains of life, but past the sensation of pain. A
difference of opinion has existed with respect to the practice of eating
the bodies of their enemies actually slain in war; but subsequent
enquiry has satisfied me of its being done, especially in the case of
distinguished persons, or those who have been accessories to the
quarrel. It should be observed that their campaigns (which may be aptly
compared to the predatory excursions of our Borderers) often terminate
with the loss of not more than half-a-dozen men on both sides. The
skulls of the victims are hung up as trophies in the open buildings in
front of their houses, and are occasionally ransomed by their surviving
relations for a sum of money.”--_Marsden’s Sumatra_, pp. 391-2.
The Battas have, probably, been more civilised than they are now--India
being the source of their civilisation. This is shown in the following
imperfect sketch of their creed--which is Indian, corrupted and
degenerate.
“The inhabitants of this country have many fabulous stories, which shall
be briefly mentioned. They acknowledge three deities as riders of the
world, who are respectively named, _Batara-guru_, _Sori-pada_, and
_Mangallah-bulang_. The first, say they, bears rule in heaven, is the
father of all mankind, and partly, under the following circumstances,
creator of the earth; which from the beginning of time had been
supported on the head of _Naga-padoha_; but growing weary at length, he
shook his head, which occasioned the earth to sink, and nothing remained
in the world excepting water. They do not pretend to a knowledge of the
creation of this original earth and water; but say that at the period
when the latter covered every thing, the chief deity, _Batara-guru_, had
a daughter named _Puti-orla-bulan_, who requested permission to descend
to these lower regions, and accordingly came down on a white owl,
accompanied by a dog; but not being able, by reason of the waters, to
continue there, her father let fall from heaven a lofty mountain, named
_Bakarra_, now situated in the _Batta_ country, as a dwelling for his
child; and from this mountain all other land gradually proceeded. The
earth was once more supported on the three horns of _Naga-padoha_; and
that he might never again suffer it to fall off, _Batara-guhu_ sent his
son, named, _Layang-layang-mandi_ (literally ‘the dipping swallow’), to
bind him hand and foot. But to his occasionally shaking his head they
ascribe the effect of earthquakes. _Puti-orla-bulan_ had afterwards,
during her residence on earth, three sons and three daughters, from whom
sprang the whole human race.
“The second of their deities has the rule of the air, betwixt earth and
heaven; and the third that of the earth; but these two are considered as
subordinate to the first. Besides these, they have as many inferior
deities as there are sensible objects on earth, or circumstances in
human society; of which some preside over the sea, others over rivers,
over woods, over war, and the like. They believe, likewise, in four evil
spirits, dwelling in four separate mountains; and whatever ill befalls
them they attribute to the agency of one of these demons. On such
occasions they apply to one of their cunning men, who has recourse to
his art; and by cutting a lemon ascertains which of these has been the
author of the mischief, and by what means the evil spirit may be
propitiated; which always proves to be the sacrificing a buffalo, hog,
goat, or whatever animal the wizard happens on that day to be most
inclined to eat. When the address is made to any of the superior and
beneficent deities for assistance, and the priest directs an offering of
a horse, cow, dog, hog, or fowl, care must be taken that the animal to
be sacrificed is entirely white.
“They have also a vague and confused idea of the immortality of the
human soul, and of a future state of happiness or misery. They say that
the soul of a dying person makes its escape through the nostrils, and is
borne away by the wind; to heaven, if of a person who has led a good
life; but if of an evil-doer, to a great cauldron, where it shall be
exposed to fire until such time as _Batara-guru_ shall judge it to have
suffered punishment proportioned to its sins; and feeling compassion
shall take it to himself in heaven: that finally the time shall come
when the chains and bands of _Naga-padoha_ shall be worn away, and he
shall once more allow the earth to sink; that the sun will be then no
more than a cubit’s distance from it, and that the souls of those who,
having lived well, shall remain alive at the last day, shall in like
manner go to heaven, and those of the wicked be consigned to the
before-mentioned cauldron, intensely heated by the near approach of the
sun’s rays, to be there tormented by a minister of _Batara-guru_, named
_Suraya-guru_, until, having expiated their offences, they shall be
thought worthy of reception into the heavenly regions.”
The remaining male figures represent two warriors from Pulo Nias, a
small island on the Western coast of Sumatra; the cap and coat of one
being made of the fibres from the leaf-stalk of the _gumuti_ palm.
“The Nias people are remarkable for their docility and expertness in
handy-craft work, and become excellent house-carpenters and joiners;
and, as an instance of their skill in the arts, they practise that of
letting blood by cupping, in a mode nearly similar to ours. They are
industrious and frugal, temperate and regular in their habits, but, at
the same time, avaricious, sullen, obstinate, vindictive, and
sanguinary. Although much employed as domestic slaves (particularly by
the Dutch) they are always esteemed dangerous in that capacity; a defect
in their character which philosophers will not hesitate to excuse in an
independent people torn by violence from their country and connexions.
They frequently kill themselves when disgusted with their situation, or
unhappy in their families, and often their wives at the same time, who
appeared, from the circumstances under which they were found, to have
been consenting to the desperate act. They were both dressed in their
bed apparel (the remainder being previously destroyed), and the female,
in more than one instance, that came under notice, had struggled so
little, as not to discompose her hair, or remove her head from the
pillow. It is said that in their own country they expose their children,
by suspending them in a bag from a tree, when they despair of being able
to bring them up. The mode seems to be adopted with the view of
preserving them from animals of prey, and giving them a chance of being
saved by persons in more easy circumstances.”--_Marsden’s Sumatra_, p.
476.
B. The three opium-smokers are Javanese of the lower orders.
Java differs from Sumatra in its higher standard of civilisation, and in
the greater extent to which it has been acted upon by Indian influences.
At one time, these were generally diffused over the island; not,
perhaps, to the utter and absolute extinction of the original Paganism,
but, still, largely and generally. At present, however, the prevailing
influences are Arab, _i.e._, Mahometan; and Mahometanism has superseded
Hindúism in all parts of the island, except one interesting
locality--the range of the Tenggher Mountains.
“To the eastward of _Surabáya_, and on the range of hills connected with
_Gúnung Dasar_, and lying partly in the district of _Pasúruan_, and
partly in that of _Probolingo_, known by the name of the _Teng’ger_
mountain, we find the remnant of a people still following the Hindu
worship, who merit attention, not only on account of their being the
sole depositaries of the rites and doctrines of that religion existing
at this day on Java, but as exhibiting an interesting singularity and
simplicity of character.
“These people occupy about forty villages, scattered along this range of
hills, in the neighbourhood of what is termed the Sandy Sea. The site of
their villages, as well as the construction of their houses, is
peculiar, and differ entirely from what is elsewhere observed on Java.
They are not shaded by trees but built on spacious open terraces, rising
one above the other, each house occupying a terrace, and being in length
from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet. The door is invariably in
one corner, at the end of the building opposite to that in which the
fire-place is built. The building appears to be constructed with the
ordinary roof, having along the front an enclosed veranda or gallery,
about eight feet broad. The fire-place is built of brick, and is so
highly venerated that it is considered a sacrilege for any stranger to
touch it. Across the upper part of the building rafters are run, so as
to form a kind of attic story, in which are deposited the most valuable
property and implements of husbandry.
“The head of the village takes the title of _Peting’ gi_, as in the
low-lands, and is generally assisted by a _Kabâyan_, both elected by the
people from their own village. There are four priests who are here
termed _Dùkuns_ (a term elsewhere only applied to doctors and midwives),
having charge of the state records and the sacred books.
“These _Dùkuns_, who are in general intelligent men, can give no account
of the era when they were first established on these hills; they can
produce no traditional history of their origin, whence they came, or who
entrusted them with the sacred books, to the faith contained in which
they still adhere. These, they concur in stating, were handed down to
them by their fathers, to whose hereditary office of preserving them
they have succeeded. The sole duty required of them is again to hand
them down in safety to their children, and to perform the _púja_
(praisegiving), according to the directions they contain. These records
consist of three compositions, written on the _lontar_-leaf, detailing
the origin of the world, disclosing the attributes of the Deity, and
prescribing the forms of worship to be observed on different occasions.
When a woman is delivered of her first child, the _Dúkun_ takes a leaf
of the _alang_ grass, and scraping the skin of the hands of the mother
and her infant, as well as the ground, pronounces a short benediction.
“When a marriage is agreed upon, the bride and bridegroom being brought
before the _Dúkun_ within the house, in the first place bow with respect
towards the south, then to the fire-place, then to the earth, and
lastly, on looking up, to the upper story of the house where the
implements of husbandry are placed. The parties then, submissively
bowing to the _Dúkun_, he repeats a prayer, while the bride washes the
feet of the bridegroom. At the conclusion of this ceremony, the friends
and family of the parties make presents to each of krises, buffaloes,
implements of husbandry, &c.; in return for which the bride and
bridegroom respectfully present them with betel-leaf.
“At the marriage-feast which ensues, the _Dúkun_ repeats two _púja_. The
marriage is not, however, consummated till the fifth day after the above
ceremony. This interval between the solemnities and consummation of
marriage is termed by them _úndang mántu_; and is in some cases still
observed by the Javans in other parts of the island, under the name,
_únduh mántu_.
“At the interment of an inhabitant of _Teng’ger_, the corpse is lowered
into the grave with the head placed towards the south (contrary to the
direction observed by the Mahometans), and is guarded from the immediate
contact of the earth by a covering of bambus and planks. When the grave
is closed, two posts are planted over the body: one erected
perpendicularly on the breast, the other on the lower part of the belly;
and between them is placed a hollowed bambu in an inverted position,
into which, during successive days, they daily pour a vessel of pure
water, laying beside the bambu two dishes, also daily replenished with
eatables. At the expiration of the seventh day, the feast of the dead is
announced, and the relations and friends of the deceased assemble to be
present at the ceremony, and to partake of entertainments conducted in
the following manner:
“A figure of about half a cubit high, representing the human form, made
of leaves and ornamented with variegated flowers, is prepared and placed
in a conspicuous situation, supported round the body by the clothes of
the deceased. The _Dúkun_ then places in front of the garland an
incense-pot with burning ashes, together with a vessel containing water,
and repeats the two _púja_ to fire and water.
“The clothes of the deceased are then divided among the relatives and
friends; the garland is burned; another _púja_ is repeated; while the
remains of the sacred water are sprinkled over the feast. The parties
now sit down to the enjoyment of it, invoking a blessing from the
Almighty on themselves, their houses, and their lands. No more
solemnities are observed till the expiration of a thousand days; when,
if the memory of the deceased is beloved and cherished, the ceremony and
feast are repeated; if otherwise, no further notice is taken of him: and
having thus obtained what the Romans call his _justa_, he is allowed to
be forgotten.
“Being questioned regarding the tenets of their religion, they replied
that they believed in a _Déwa_, who was all-powerful; that the name by
which the _Déwa_ was designated was _Búmi Trúka Sáng’yáng Dewáta Bátur_,
and that the particulars of their worship were contained in a book
called _Pángláwu_, which they presented to me.
“On being questioned regarding the _ádat_ against adultery, theft, and
other crimes, their reply was unanimous and ready--that crimes of this
kind were unknown to them, and that consequently no punishment was
fixed, either by law or custom; that if a man did wrong, the head of the
village chid him for it, the reproach of which was always sufficient
punishment for a man of _Teng’ger_. This account of their moral
character is fully confirmed by the Regents of the districts, under
whose authority they are placed, and also by the residents. They, in
fact, seem to be almost without crime, and are universally peaceable,
orderly, honest, industrious, and happy. They are unacquainted with the
vice of gambling and the use of opium.
“The aggregate population is about twelve hundred souls; and they
occupy, without exception, the most beautifully rich and romantic spots
on Java; a region in which the thermometer is frequently as low as
forty-two. The summits and slopes of the hills are covered with Alpine
firs, and plants common to an European climate flourish in luxuriance.
“Their language does not differ much from the Javan of the present
day, though more gutturally pronounced. Upon a comparison of about
a hundred words with the Javan vernacular, two only were found to
differ. They do not marry or intermix with the people of the
lowlands, priding themselves on their independence and purity
in this respect.”--_Raffles’s History of Java._
GROUP IV.
DYAKS OF BORNEO, A. MALES; B. FEMALES.
The native, and aboriginal tribes of Borneo, have no general name by
which they designate themselves, neither have they a general name for
their island; and this is a fact which occurs pretty generally
throughout the Indian Archipelago. A mere islet, a piece of land visibly
and palpably surrounded by water--takes the name of _pulo_ (_island_);
but the _larger_ masses like Celebes, Borneo, Sumatra, and (as Mr.
Craufurd writes) each and all of the islands with the single exception
of Borneo, are treated as continents,--so narrow is the knowledge of the
inhabitants and so limited their powers of comprehension and
generalisation. Hence, _Borneo_ is an European rather than a native
term; taken from the name of a particular portion of the island and
extended to the whole. It was first used by Pigafetta, a companion of
Magalhan, during his voyage round the world in 1521. This gave it a
currency in Europe which it has maintained ever since.
As to the different divisions of the population, they generally take
their designation from the name of the stream on which they reside; so
that when we hear of such tribes as the Sarebas, the Lundu, the
Sakarran, &c., we may safely conclude that rivers so called form their
several occupancies.
The natives, then, have no general name by which they designate
themselves collectively. But _we_ have. _We_--_i.e._, the
Europeans--call them _Dyaks_. _Dyak_ is a Malay word--much such
a word as _Savage_, or _Barbarian_--so that expressions like _Dyak_,
_Sarebas_ (the _savages of the Sarebas_), &c., are only partially
native--partially native and partially Malay.
The Malay origin of the word indicates the existence of a Malay
population in, or in the neighbourhood of, the island; a Malay
population as well as a native. And such is the case. Over and above the
proper aborigines, we find in Borneo, Chinese from China, Bugis from the
Island of Celebes, and (as aforesaid) Malays from the Malayan Peninsula
and Sumatra.
It is the aborigines, however, who alone are represented in the group
before us--the Dyaks as opposed to the Malays. And the particular Dyak
division is _not_ the one with which an Englishman is the most
familiar. The Sarebas Dyaks, the Lundu Dyaks, the Sakarran Dyaks, &c.,
are the best known to us, inasmuch as it is those who come in contact
with the Rajahship of Sarawak, and the parts under the influence of Sir
James Brooke. But the Dyaks before us come from the south and the
south-east, rather than from the north-west and west, and from the Dutch
parts of the island rather than from the English.
The aborigines of Borneo belong to the great Malay family, so that they
are essentially the same as the aborigines of Sumatra and Java, &c. But
they have this important characteristic; they have been the least
touched by either Indian or Arabic influences. They are the least Hindu,
the least Mahometan, the most Pagan. Neither have they any alphabet; at
the same time, some vestiges of Indian culture undoubtedly exist.
The Dyak of Borneo is the Malay in his most unmodified and primitive
condition, and it is amongst the Dyaks of Borneo that the characteristic
customs are to be found. They are divided into, probably, 100 different
tribes, with, probably, 100 dialects; so far are they from the
organisation of a concentrated political power. As some tribes, however,
are more powerful than others, and as such tribes encroach and conquer,
the tendency towards consolidation exists.
Of such tribes, the most important are the Kayans, occupants of the
central part of the island, cultivators of the soil, domesticators of
animals, forgers of iron. They are a dominant and encroaching
population; the Kanawit, and the other tribes more immediately allied,
being their tributaries. The names which they give to both the other
Dyaks and the Malays, are derisive and insulting; and other
circumstances besides this show the extent to which they are a proud,
self-respecting population. Their dignity of manner and deportment is
favourably contrasted with the comparative servility of the Malays. As
to their morals, the accounts are conflicting. The utter absence of
female chastity, affirmed by Mr. Law, is denied by Mr. Burns, whose
opportunities for acquiring knowledge seem to have been the better, but
who writes somewhat in the spirit of an advocate and admirer. The same
author considers that their taste for head-hunting has been exaggerated;
at any rate, the custom of handing down heads from generation to
generation, as honourable heirlooms, wants confirmation, and besides
this, has certain positive facts against it. When two of their chiefs
changed their residence, an accumulation of 400 skulls was thrown away,
instead of being removed with care and honour. Human sacrifices, on the
other hand, are admitted by Mr. Burns to exist; with the reservation
that the practice decreases, and that the victim is a member of some
other tribe.
It was from the parts about the Kayan river that they began their
conquests. Successful in holding their own, they suffer from disease
rather than war. At intervals of twelve or fifteen years, the small-pox
rages as an epidemic; whilst fever, ague, dysentery, and rheumatism, are
endemic. To tattoo the body, to bore and stretch the ears, to wear
pendant ear-rings of twenty ounces, so that the ears and breasts meet,
are the more characteristic elements of the Kayan cosmesis. In the first
of these operations the performer pricks the pattern with a needle, and
then engrains the smoke of a dammer torch; so that the process is
partially that of the simple tattoo, and partially that of inustion.
Mutual friendships or brotherhoods, are ratified by the not unusual
ceremony of mixing blood. This Mr. Burns considers as peculiar to the
Kayan amongst the populations of Borneo. That of drawing omens from the
flight of birds is common to them and the other tribes.
After death, the body is kept in the house from four to eight days.
Torches are kept burning beside the coffin which contains it; and if one
of them go out, bad luck is augured from its extinction. For four or
five days, too, after the removal of the corpse, they are still kept
alight. Previous, however, to the removal, a feast is prepared; some of
the food being placed beside the coffin, whilst the remainder regales
the relatives of the deceased. The mourning of the women is loud,
passionate, and full of gesticulation. They hug the decomposing body;
they inhale its odours, and finally, they attend it to the place of its
ultimate disposal, which is the loft of a small wooden house, built on
pillars, about twelve feet high.
The burial ceremonies are more elaborate than those which accompany the
birth or naming of children; those of marriage are the simplest. To
swim, to wrestle, to blow the sumpitan, to use the sword, and to throw
the spear, are the chief elements in the training of the Kayan
youth.[33]
[33] Burns, in “Journal of the Indian Archipelago.”
This notice has contained some remarkable suggestions. What means the
allusion to the head-hunting? No trophy is more honourable among the
Dyaks of Borneo, than a human head; the head of a conquered enemy. These
are preserved in the houses as tokens; so that the number of skulls is a
measure of the prowess of the possessor. In tribes, where this feeling
becomes morbid, no young man can marry before he has presented his
future bride with a human head, cut off by himself. Hence, for a
marriage to take place, an enemy must be either found or made.
It may easily be imagined that this engenders a chronic state of warfare
between tribe and tribe; to which, we may add, as another of the
scourges of the Dyak population, the piracy that is practised along the
whole of the sea-coasts, and on the lower courses of the numerous
rivers.
Cannibalism in Sumatra; head-hunting in Borneo--such are the
characteristics of two of the more important branches of the Malay
family, and they are practices which are manifestly condemnatory to the
moral character of the nations in which they occur. We must, however,
take the evidence to their existence as we find it. On the other hand,
it is a good rule to receive with caution all accounts that violate the
common feelings of human nature, and to allow ourselves to believe that
causes, as yet imperfectly understood, modify and diminish practices so
horrible. That it should be so general as the theory demands is
incompatible with the proportions between the male and female
populations, which are much the same in Borneo as elsewhere. So it is,
also, with the express statement of Sir J. Brooke, who says, that the
passion for heads has much diminished amongst certain of the Sarawak
tribes. In one case, an offer of some was refused; the reason alleged
being that it would revive fresh sorrows. The parties who thus declined,
gave a favourable account of some of the customs by which the horrors of
a Dyak war were abated:--
“If one tribe claimed a debt of another, it was always demanded, and the
claim discussed. If payment was refused, the claimants departed, telling
the others to listen to their birds, as they might expect an attack.
Even after this, it was often the case, that a tribe friendly to each
mediated between them, and endeavoured to make a settlement of their
contending claims. If they failed, the tribes were then at war.
Recently, however, more places than one have been attacked without due
notice, and often by treachery. The old custom likewise was, that no
house should be set on fire, no paddy destroyed, and that _a naked
woman_ could not be killed, nor a woman with child. These laudable and
praiseworthy customs have fallen into disuse, yet they give a pleasing
picture of Dyak character, and relieve, by a touch of humanity, the
otherwise barbarous nature of their warfare. Then there is what is
called the _Babukid, bubukkid, or mode of defiance_, which is appealed
to as a final judgment in disputes about property, and usually occurs in
families when the right to land and fruit-trees comes to be discussed.
Each party then sallies forth in search of a _head_; if only one
succeed, his claim is acknowledged; if both succeed, the property
continues common to both. It is on these occasions that the Dyaks are
dangerous; and perhaps an European, whose inheritance depended on the
issue, would not be very scrupulous as to the means of success. It must
be understood, however, that the individuals do not go alone, but a
party accompanies each, or they may send a party without being present.
The loss of life is not heavy from this cause, and it is chiefly
resorted to by the Singé and Sows, and is about as rational as our
trials by combat. This babukid must be a check of a permanent sort.
_Houses._--“With certain of the Dyak tribes the houses are not huts, nor
yet mere dwelling-houses of ordinary dimensions. They hold from one
hundred to two hundred persons each; and are raised above the ground on
piles.
_Religion._--“The notions of the Dyaks respecting the spiritual world
are in general much confused, and at variance with each other. They
agree, however, in the belief in good and evil spirits. The good spirits
are divided into two classes, viz., spirits of the world above, or of
the higher regions, who come under the collective denomination of
‘Sengiang;’ and spirits of the lower regions, or more properly, such as
have their dominion in the waters, in great rivers, and these are called
‘Jata.’ The collective name of the evil spirits is ‘Talopapa’ which word
signifies, in general, all bad things.
“It is to be observed here that the Dyaks describe the aspect of the
regions above as similar to the terrestrial world. Mountains, valleys,
streams, lakes, &c. &c., are found there, as well as here beneath; and
the dominions of various spirits are bounded by the different streams
and branches of the rivers.”--_From the Rev. T. F. Barker’s “Mythology
of the Dyaks,” Journ. Ind. Archip._, vol. iii. p. 162.
“In the interior, men are still occasionally sacrificed, principally on
the death of chiefs, and other considerable persons. In Sirat, the
furthest inhabited point of the Kapus River, where I some years ago made
a journey of investigation, they had a short time before our arrival,
sacrificed two women. An acquaintance who had been present, gave me the
following account of the horrible event:--One morning at Sirat, there
gathered a great number of people, who streamed in on all sides to
celebrate a great feast. There was firing of guns--the open plain before
the Kotta (fort) was prepared for the occasion, and adorned with
branches, flowers, and cloths; a number of hogs were killed; and when,
finally, by midday, everything had been arranged according to use and
wont, the real objects of the festival were brought forward--two women,
still young, who had been purchased for the purpose from another race.
They had to seat themselves on the side of the ready-dug graves, and
contemplate for some time the noisy rejoicings of the feasters. A lance
of about thirty feet in length was then brought and laid on one of the
victims. All now hurried to take a part in the impending detestable
deed. A hundred hands seized the long lance, and the instant the
customary sign was given, they threw themselves, amidst the loud
acclamations of the multitude, on the unfortunate wretch, and pierced
her through and through, even transfixing her to the ground. They then
cut off the head of the fallen victim, and carried it during the rest of
the day, dancing and singing round it. The same fate also befel her
unfortunate companion. Those who are thus offered become, in their
belief, in the other world, slaves of the deceased friend to whose
memory they are offered.”--_From “Some Remarks on the Dyaks of
Banjarmassing,” in the Journ. of the Ind. Archip._, vol. i., p. 30.
The blow-pipe, with which so many of the figures before us are
furnished, is called, in the native language, _sumpitan_. It is made of
the wood of the palm, bored with the greatest possible nicety. The
arrows, which are from four to six inches long, fit the bore, and are
poisoned--at least with some of the tribes. At twenty yards the
_sumpitan_ is sure to hit; at one hundred it attains its longest range.
Since the ones before us have been in England, more than one _amateur_
has tried them--both with the Dyak arrows, and with little pellets of
clay. They have succeeded in bringing down sparrows from the house-tops
with the latter. The aim is sure, and a little practice accomplishes it.
The male in the sailor’s dress is a Philippine Islander, who spoke the
Iloco language. The female is a half-blood Spanish and Manilla-Indian.
GROUP V.
A.--ISLANDERS OF THE LOUISIADE ARCHIPELAGO--PAPUANS. (_p._ 91)
A. THE PAPUANS. B. AUSTRALIANS.
When we move eastwards from the more eastern of the Moluccas we reach
New Guinea, of which the very name suggests the likelihood of a change
in the character of the population. How did it arise? Much in the same
way that such a term as _West Indies_ did. There was something in the
new country which reminded the discoverers of an old one. Now the large
island under notice reminded the early voyagers of the coast of _Guinea_
on the western side of Africa. Why? Because they found there a
population of _Blacks_; a population that reminded them of the negro; a
population unlike the Malay tribes of islands westward.
A. _New Guinea._ This is anything but a native name; indeed, it is a
name that no New Guinea men know anything about.
Just what occurred in Borneo, occurs here. There is no _general_ name at
all; neither one for the island itself, nor one for the population of
it--no _native_ name at least.
There is, however, a Malay one. The word _Papua_ means _frizzly-haired_.
Originally and, more properly, applied to occupants of the north-west
coast, it has since been extended--for the purposes of Ethnology at
least--to a whole family. Hence, the Papuan stock contains, not only the
inhabitants of New Guinea, but those of the islands to the east, and
south thereof--the Louisiade Archipelago, New Britain, New Ireland, New
Hanover, Solomon’s Isles, New Hebrides, Loyalty Isles, and New
Caledonia.
No part of the world is less known than these Papuan islands--the
interior of New Guinea being as much a mystery as the interior of
Africa. There are certain points, however, on which attention has been
concentrated. Thus--
_a._ The western coast of New Guinea itself has been described, more or
less incompletely, by the Dutch.
_b._ The south-eastern part, along with the islands of Torres Straits,
has been surveyed by H.M.S. the Fly.
_c._ The Louisiade Archipelago, &c., by H.M.S. Rattlesnake.
_d._ The parts about Tanna, Mallicollo, and New Caledonia, by Captain
Erskine.
The figures before us are from drawings made on the spot by Mr. Huxley,
naturalist to the Rattlesnake, and as they were from the pencil of an
anatomist as well as an artist they may be relied on as characteristic.
The chief notices are from Mr. M‛Gillivray’s “Voyage of the
Rattlesnake.”
The Louisiade houses (or huts) in their simplest form consist of a roof
of palm-leaves on four wooden uprights, each of which pierces a round
piece of wood. This prevents rats and vermin from finding their way
upwards and into the dwelling.
[Illustration]
The larger and more elaborate contain several families--the following
being a section of the part occupied. In parts subject to inundation
they stand upon high props--upon _piles_ as it were. This mode of
building is common in New Guinea, on certain islands of the Indian
Archipelago, the more swampy parts of inter-tropical America; like
adaptations occurring in like localities.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
Next to the domestic architecture that of their canoes deserves
attention. These, always, or almost always, are built without
riggers--sometimes with a sort of stage or platform projecting from the
sides, the structure of a raft being superadded to that of a boat. The
sailing vessels take the following form. Less nautical than the
Malays--the Papuan family is more so than the Australian.
[Illustration]
With some varieties the hair is far more elaborately dressed than with
those of the present group; being twisted into long curls, likened to
the thrums of a mop, stiffened with oil, and washed in alkaline leys,
which give a red tinge. When this kind of ornamentation attains its
fullest development, the frizzled mass of strong and stiffened hair
makes the owner unable to lie down without disarranging his head-dress.
In this case a neck-pillow becomes necessary; just as it does with
certain tribes of Africa, with whom the care of these head-gear is one
of the primary employments of life.
[Illustration]
The chief weapons are the bow and arrow, their political organisation of
the lowest and simplest kind; that of small tribes living in a state of
chronic hostility with each other. Woven cloth they have none. On the
other hand they show some skill in the art of pottery. In New Guinea, at
least, they defend their soil with tenacity and resolution, eschewing
European intercourse. In the more southern and smaller islands, however,
this is less the case than in the more northern and larger ones. They
contrast more favourably with the Australians than with the Malays.
But little is known of their languages.
The islands of Torres Strait, even when they lie nearest to the coast of
Australia, are not Australian, but Papuan, so that the following
extracts from the “Voyage of the Fly” apply to a population allied to
one under notice--allied, but not identical.
In _Darnley Island_ the natives “were fine, active, well-made fellows,
rather above the middle height, of a dark brown or chocolate colour.
They had frequently almost handsome faces, aquiline noses, rather broad
about the nostril, well-shaped heads, and many had a singularly Jewish
cast of features. The hair was frizzled, and dressed into long pipe-like
ringlets, smeared sometimes with ochre, sometimes left of its natural
black colour; others had wigs not to be distinguished from the natural
hair, till closely examined. The septum narium was bored, but there was
seldom anything worn in it. Most of their ears were pierced all round
with small holes, in which pieces of grass were stuck, and in many the
lobe was torn and hanging down to the shoulder. Their only scars were
the faint oval marks on the shoulder. The hair of their bodies and limbs
grew in small tufts, giving the skin a slightly woolly appearance. They
were entirely naked, but frequently wore ornaments made of
mother-of-pearl shells, either circular or crescent-shaped, hanging
round their necks. Occasionally, also, we saw a part of a large shell,
apparently a cassis, cut into a projecting shield-shape, worn in front
of the groin. The women wore a petticoat round the waist, reaching
nearly to the knees, formed of strips of leaves sewn on to a girdle.
These formed a very efficient covering, as one or two were worn over
each other. The grown-up woman’s petticoat, or nessoor, was formed, we
afterwards found, of the inside part of the large leaves of a
bulbous-rooted plant, called by them teggaer, of which, each strip was
an inch broad. The girl’s nessoor was made of much narrower strips from
the inside of the leaf of the plantain, which they called cabbow.
“The younger women were often gracefully formed, with pleasing
expressions of countenance, though not what we should consider handsome
features. The girls had their hair rather long, but the women had almost
all their hair cut short, with a bushy ridge over the top, to which
they, singularly enough, gave the same name as to pieces of
tortoise-shells, namely, kaisu. Many of the elder women had their heads
shaved quite smoothly, and we never saw a woman wearing a wig, or with
the long ringlets of the men. At our first landing, all the younger
women and girls kept in the back-ground, or hid themselves in the bush.
On strolling to the back of the huts, we found a small native path,
along which we went a short distance till we came to a rude fence in
front of a plantain-ground, where the men objected to our going further,
and we heard the voices of the women among the trees beyond.
“There were four huts at this spot, all bee-hive shaped, sixteen feet in
diameter, and as much in height. They stood in small court-yards,
partially surrounded by fences formed of poles of bamboo, stuck upright
in the ground, close together, and connected by horizontal rails, to
which they were tied by withies. Inside the huts were small platforms
covered with mats, apparently bed-places; and over head were hung up
bows and arrows, clubs, calabashes, rolls of matting, and bundles
apparently containing bones, which they did not like our examining.
Outside the huts were one or two small open sheds, consisting merely of
a raised flat roof, to sit under in the shade, and a grove of very fine
cocoa-nut trees surrounded the houses.”
The arms of the natives were the bow and arrow, and in holding the
former, especial care was taken that the part of the wood which was
uppermost as the tree grew, should be uppermost when used as a weapon.
Rough imitations of the human figure were common; but whether they
served as idols or not was uncertain. The use of tobacco was general.
On the part of the females, the reserve and decorum of manner formed a
striking contrast with the very different habits of the Polynesians.
B. _The Australians._--These are taken from life; two natives of the
parts about Cape York having been taken up in an English vessel and
brought with it to England. They passed a fortnight under the same
roof with Mr. Thomson, and were well observed by both the artists
engaged on the figures, and the present writer. The thinness of the
legs is by no means exaggerated. It is just what the plates of Dr.
Prichard’s “Varieties of Man” make it. On the other hand, the chest
was well developed, and the arms comparatively--though only
comparatively--strong. They told the story of their being on board the
ship that brought them over, in dumb show, but they told it in a way
that the most consummate professional actor might admire. But this was
about all the talent they showed.
They ran neither faster nor slower than the Englishman they came in
contact with; but swam as adepts. By no means insensible to such
kindnesses as they received, they evinced quite as much kindness to
their English house-mates as they did to one another. So silent, indeed,
were they, that until we took a vocabulary of their language, we thought
that they belonged to two different tribes who had carried their
hostility with them across the Pacific, and nourished it in Sydenham.
Smoking, or rather swallowing smoke, was their chief delight.
Tom, the livelier and less saturnine of the two, has a throwing-stick in
his hand, which he is about to project.
In the group of two he re-appears. When Dick, the gloomier, had a
headache, Tom could scarcely be withheld from scarifying his temples
with such pieces of glass or flint as he could pick up.
Dick and Tom are Northern Australians--Northern Australians from the
parts about Cape York.
Observe the points of difference and likeness between them and the
Louisiade Papuans. As both are dark-skinned, they have been dealt with
as branches of one and the same family; for which a name (or rather a
pair of names) derived from the Greek has been applied--_Melanesian_ and
_Kelnonesian_. _Nesos_ means _island_; _kelnos, dark_; _melas
(melan-os), black_. The latter compound is the better. They are
certainly dark coloured; and it is equally certain that both New Guinea
and Australia are islands. The exact relationship, however, is less
certain. Nevertheless, the name _Kelnonesian_ is adopted.
It has been said that the Papuan contrasts favourably with the
Australian; the latter being the better known of the two.
The differences between the different Australian languages have long
been known and definitely insisted upon.
Less marked differences in frame and physiognomy between the different
Australian tribes, have also been long known and definitely insisted
upon.
Differences of customs and manners have been similarly noticed and
considered. Notwithstanding all this, however, there is no opinion more
generally admitted than the fundamental unity of the Australian
population from Swan River to Botany Bay, from the Gulf of Carpentaria
to Bass’s Straits. Captain Grey, Schurman, Teichelman, and all who have
devoted average attention to the language, have given their evidence to
this; and they have supplied facts of various kinds, of their own
collection, towards the proof of it. No man is less inclined to disturb
this view than the present writer.
As to the physical conformation of the Australians, I believe that it is
so uniform throughout the island, that it has never been made the basis
of a division;--indeed I am inclined to believe that the _similarity_ of
external appearance has been over-rated; nevertheless, it is certain
that there are deviations from the general slim and underfed condition
of the body; and (which is of more importance), from the usual straight
character of the hair. Such is the case, according to Mr. Earl, with the
trepang fishers of Arnhem Bay. Then as to the hair--with the Jaako, or
Croker Island tribe, it is coarse and bushy (the whiskers being thick,
and curly) and so short, crisp, and abundant about the breast and
shoulders as to conceal the skin; whereas, on the other hand, the Oitbo,
or Bidjenelumbo, have straight silky hair, arched eyebrows, fair
complexion, and occasionally the oblique eye.
The lowest form of humanity has been sought for in Australia, whilst the
physical condition of the country and the absence of those animals and
herbs that supply human food, have made it a likely quarter to exhibit
it. Whether, however, so low a rank in the scale of human development
be, upon the whole, a fact or exaggeration, it is certain that, upon
several points, there has been considerable over-statement. One sample
of this sort is the accredited opinion as to the absolute incapacity of
the Australian of forming even the rudest elements of a mythology--an
opinion which engenders the notion that their intellects are too
sluggish for even the evolution of a superstition.
That this was not the case was indicated some years back by Captain
Grey, and that there is _some_ exponent of the religious feeling in the
shape of a rude form of shamanism, has been shown in the account of the
American Exploring Expedition; where the first published details of the
Australian mythology, if so it may be called, are to be found:--“It is
not true, however, as has been frequently asserted, that the natives
have no idea of a Supreme Being, although they do not allow this idea to
influence their actions. The Wellington tribes, at least, believe in the
existence of a Deity called _Baiamai_, who lives on an island beyond the
great sea to the East. His food is fish, which come up to him from the
water when he calls them. Some of the natives consider him the maker of
all things, while others attribute the creation of the world to his son
_Burambin_. They say of him, that _Baiamai_ spoke, and _Burambin_ came
into existence. When the missionaries first came to Wellington, the
natives used to assemble once a year, in the month of February, to dance
and sing a song in honour of _Baiamai_. This song was brought there from
a distance by strange natives, who went about teaching it. Those who
refused to join in the ceremony were supposed to incur the displeasure
of the god. For the last three years the custom has been discontinued.
In the tribe on Hunter’s River, there was a native famous for the
composition of these songs or hymns; which, according to Mr. Threlkeld,
were passed from tribe to tribe, to a great distance, till many of the
words became at last unintelligible to those who sang them.
“_Dararwirgal_, a brother of _Baiamai_, lives in the far west. It was he
who lately sent the small-pox among the natives, for no better reason
than that he was vexed for want of a tomahawk. But now he is supposed to
have obtained one, and the disease will come no more. The _Bálumbal_ are
a sort of angels, who are said to be of a white colour, and to live on a
mountain at a great distance to the south-east: their food is honey, and
their employment is to do good ‘like the Missionaries.’
“It is possible that some of these stories owe their origin to
intercourse with the whites, though the great unwillingness which the
natives always evince to adopt any customs or opinions from them,
militates against such a supposition. But a being who is, beyond
question, entirely the creation of Australian imagination, is one who is
called in the Wellington dialect, _Wandong_; though the natives have
learned from the whites to apply to him the name of devil. He is an
object not of worship, but merely of superstitious dread. They describe
him as going about under the form of a black man of superhuman stature
and strength. He prowls at night through the woods around the
encampments of the natives, seeking to entrap some unwary wanderer, whom
he will seize upon; and, having dragged him to his fire, will there
roast and devour him. They attribute all their afflictions to his
malevolence. If they are ill, they say _Wandong_ has bitten them. No one
can see this being but the _nújargir_, or conjurors, who assert that
they can kill him, but that he always returns to life. He may, however,
be frightened away by throwing fire at him (though this statement seems
inconsistent with that respecting his invisibility), and no native will
go out at night without a firebrand to protect him from the demon.
“There is some difference in the accounts given of this character. By
the tribe of Hunter’s River he is called _Koin_ or _Koen_. Sometimes,
when the Blacks are asleep, he makes his appearance, seizes upon one of
them and carries him off. The person seized endeavours in vain to cry
out, being almost strangled. At daylight, however, _Koin_ disappears,
and the man finds himself conveyed safely to his own fireside. From this
it would appear that the demon is here a sort of personification of the
nightmare,--a visitation to which the natives, from their habits of
gorging themselves to the utmost when they obtain a supply of food, must
be very subject.
“At the _Muruya_ River the devil is called _Túlugal_. He was described
to us, by a native, as a black man of great stature, grizzled with age,
who has very long legs, so that he soon overtakes a man; but very short
arms, which brings the contest nearer an equality. This goblin has a
wife who is much like himself; but still more feared, being of a cruel
disposition, with a cannibal appetite, especially for young children. It
would hardly be worth while to dwell upon these superstitions, but they
seem to characterise so distinctly the people, at once timid, ferocious,
and stupid, who have invented them.
“Their opinions with regard to the soul vary: some assert that the whole
man dies at once, and nothing is left of him; others are of opinion that
his spirit still survives, but upon this earth, either as a wandering
ghost, or in a state of _metempsychosis_, animating a bird or other
inferior creature. But the most singular belief is one which is found at
both Port Stephens and Swan River, places separated by the whole breadth
of the Australian continent. This is, that white people are merely
blacks who have died, passed to a distant country, and having there
undergone a transformation, have returned to their original homes. When
the natives see a white man who strongly resembles one of their deceased
friends, they give him the name of the dead person, and consider him to
be actually the same being.”
It is difficult to take an exact measure of the extent to which one
superstition is grosser than another;--hence, all that can be said
respecting the Pantheon, of which _Baiamai_ and _Wandong_ are portions,
is that it is as low in the scale of mythologies as any that has fallen
under the notice of the writer.
_Incomplete Numeration of the Australians._--The import of an Australian
having no more than the three, four, or five first numerals, and being
thereby as unable to count the number of the fingers of his hands, as
that of the hair of his head, is less equivocal. It speaks, at once, to
a _minimum_ amount of intellectual power. Nevertheless, the same
inability occurs elsewhere; especially in certain languages of South
America. The only vocabulary of Australia where the numerals run beyond
five, is that of King George’s Sound, as given in Mitchell’s Australia.
The political constitution (if so it may be called) of the Australians
is preeminently simple, exhibiting a society of families rather than of
tribes; and of the facts connected with the evidence in favour of the
unity of the Australian division of mankind is the remarkable
distribution of families bearing the same name. The principal of these
are the Ballaroke, the Tdondarup, the Ngotok, the Nagarnook, the
Nogonyuk, the Mongalung, and the Narrangar. Now, persons bearing one or
other of these names, may be found in parts of the country five hundred
miles apart. Nor does this appear to be the effect of migration, since
each tribe is limited by the jealousy of its neighbours to its own
hunting-ground, beyond which it seldom passes.
Polygamy in Australia is what we find, and expect to find. The practice
of circumcision is what we find, perhaps, without expecting it. The
habit of the children taking the name of the mother, will occur again in
the south of India. The rule that a man cannot marry a woman of his own
family-name will also re-appear, and that amongst the Indians of North
America.
_The Kobong._--“Each family among the Australians adopts some animal or
plant, as a kind of badge or armorial emblem, or, as they call it, its
_kobong_. A certain mysterious connection exists between a family and
its kobong, so that a member of the family will not kill an animal, or
pluck any plant of the species to which his kobong belongs, except
under particular circumstances. This institution again, which in some
respects resembles the Polynesian _tabú_, though founded on a different
principle, has its counterpart in the customs of the native Americans.
Captain Gray observes, citing Mr. Gallatin, that among the Hurons, the
first tribe is that of the bear; the two others, those of the wolf and
turtle. The Iroquois have the same divisions, and the turtle family is
divided into the great and little turtle. The Sioux are named on a
similar principle. According to Major Long, one part of the
superstitions of these savages consists in each man having some totem,
or favourite spirit, which he believes to watch over him. The totem
assumes the shape of some beast, and therefore they never kill or eat
the animal whose form they suppose their totem to bear.”
_The ceremony of initiation._--“When the boys arrive at the age of
puberty (or about fourteen), the elders of a tribe prepare to initiate
them into the duties and privileges of manhood. Suddenly, at night, a
dismal cry is heard in the woods, which the boys are told is the _Bubu_
calling for them. Thereupon all the men of the tribe (or rather of the
neighbourhood) set off for some secluded spot previously fixed upon,
taking with them the youths who are to undergo the ceremony. The exact
nature of this is not known, except that it consists of superstitious
rites, of dances representing the various pursuits in which men are
engaged, of sham fights, and trials designed to prove the
self-possession, courage, and endurance of the neophytes. It is certain,
however, that there is some variation in the details of the ceremony, in
different places; for among the coast tribes, one of these is the
knocking out of an upper front tooth, which is not done at Wellington,
and farther in the interior. But the nature and object of the
institution appear to be everywhere the same. Its design unquestionably
is, to imprint upon the mind of the young man the rules by which his
future life is to be regulated; and some of these are so striking, and,
under the circumstances, so admirable, that one is inclined to ascribe
them to some higher state of mental cultivation than now prevails among
the natives. Thus, the young men, from the time they are initiated, till
they are married, are forbidden to approach or speak to a female. They
must encamp at a distance from them at night, and if they see one in the
way, must make a long detour to avoid her. Mr. Watson told me that he
had often been put to great inconvenience in travelling through the
woods, with a young man for his guide, as such a one could never be
induced to approach an encampment where there were any women. The moral
intent of this regulation is evident.
“Another rule requires the young men to pay implicit obedience to their
elders. As there is no distinction of rank among them, it is evident
that some authority of this kind is required, to preserve the order and
harmony of social intercourse.
“A third regulation restricts the youth to certain articles of diet.
They are not allowed to eat fish, or eggs, or the _emu_, or any of the
finer kinds of opossum and kangaroo. In short, their fare is required to
be of the coarsest and most meagre description. As they grow older, the
restrictions are removed, one after another; but it is not till they
have passed the period of middle age that they are entirely unrestrained
in the choice of food. Whether one purpose of this law be to accustom
the young men to a hardy and simple style of living may be doubted; but
its prime objects and its result certainly are to prevent the young men
from possessing themselves, by their superior strength and agility, of
all the more desirable articles of food, and leaving only the refuse to
the elders.
“The ceremony of marriage, which, amongst most nations, is considered so
important and interesting, is with this people one of the least
regarded. The woman is looked upon as an article of property, and is
sold or given away by her relatives without the slightest consideration
of her own pleasure. In some cases she is betrothed, or rather promised,
to her future husband in the childhood of both; and in this case, as
soon as they arrive at a proper age, the young man claims and receives
her. Some of them have four or five wives, and in such a case, they will
give one to a friend who may happen to be destitute. Notwithstanding
this apparent laxity, they are very jealous, and resent any freedom
taken with their wives. Most of their quarrels relate to women. In some
cases, the husband who suspects another native of seducing his wife
either kills or severely injures one or both of them. Sometimes the
affair is taken up by the tribe, who inflict punishment after their own
fashion. The manner of this is another of the singularities of their
social system.
“When a native, for any transgression, incurs the displeasure of his
tribe, their custom obliges him to ‘stand punishment,’ as it is called;
that is, he stands with a shield, at a fair distance, while the whole
tribe, either simultaneously or in rapid succession, cast their spears
at him. Their expertness generally enables those who are exposed to this
trial to escape without serious injury, though instances occasionally
happen of a fatal result. There is a certain propriety even in this
extraordinary punishment, as it is very evident that the accuracy and
force with which the weapons are thrown will depend very much upon the
opinion entertained of the enormity of the offence.
“When the quarrel is between two persons only, and the tribe declines to
interfere, it is sometimes settled by a singular kind of _duello_. The
parties meet in presence of their kindred and friends, who form a circle
round them as witnesses and umpires. They stand up opposite one another,
armed each with a club about two feet long. The injured person has the
right of striking the first blow, to receive which the other is obliged
to extend his head forward, with the side turned partially upwards. The
blow is inflicted with a force commensurate with the vindictive feeling
of the avenger. A white man, with an ordinary cranium, would be killed
outright, but, owing to the great thickness of their skulls, this seldom
happens with the natives. The challenged party now takes his turn to
strike, and the other is obliged to place himself in the same posture of
convenience. In this way the combat is continued; with alternate
buffets, until one of them is stunned, or the expiation is considered
satisfactory.
“What are called wars among them may more properly be considered duels
(if this word may be so applied) between two parties of men. One or more
natives of a certain part of the country, considering themselves
aggrieved by the acts of others in another part, assemble their
neighbours to consult with them concerning the proper course to be
pursued. The general opinion having been declared for war, a messenger
or ambassador is sent to announce their intention to the opposite party.
These immediately assemble their friends and neighbours, and all prepare
for the approaching contest. In some cases, the day is fixed by the
messenger, in others not; but, at all events, the time is well
understood.
“The two armies (usually from fifty to two hundred each) meet, and after
a great deal of mutual vituperation, the combat commences. From their
singular dexterity in avoiding or parrying the missiles of their
adversaries, the engagement usually continues a long time without any
fatal result. When a man is killed (and sometimes before), a cessation
takes place; another scene of recrimination, abuse, and explanation
ensues, and the affair commonly terminates. All hostility is at an end,
and the two parties mix amicably together, bury the dead, and join in a
general dance.
“One cause of hostility among them, both public and private, is the
absurd idea which they entertain, that no person dies a natural death.
If a man perishes of disease, at a distance from his friends, his death
is supposed to have been caused by some sorcerer of another tribe, whose
life must be taken for satisfaction. If, on the other hand, he dies
among his kindred, the nearest relative is held responsible. A native of
the tribe at Hunter’s River, who served me as a guide, had not long
before beaten his own mother nearly to death, in revenge for the loss of
his brother, who died while under her care. This was not because he had
any suspicions of her conduct, but merely in obedience to the
requirements of a senseless custom.”
Another fact connected with the decease of an Australian deserves
notice. When one of them dies, those words which are identical with his
name, or, in the case of compounds, with any part of it, cease to be
used; and some synonym is adopted instead; just as if, in England,
whenever a Mr. _Smith_ departed this life, the parish to which he
belonged should cease to talk of _blacksmiths_, and say _forgemen_,
_forgers_, or something equally respectful to the deceased, instead.
This custom reappears in Polynesia, and in South America; Dobrizhoffer’s
account of the Apibonian custom being as follows:--“The Abiponian
language is involved in new difficulties by a ridiculous custom which
the savages have of continually abolishing words common to the whole
nation, and substituting new ones in their stead. Funeral rites are the
origin of this custom. The Abipones do not like that anything should
remain to remind them of the dead. Hence appellative words bearing any
affinity with the names of the deceased are presently abolished. During
the first years that I spent among the Abipones, it was usual to say
_Hegmalkam kahamátek_, when will there be a slaughtering of oxen? On
account of the death of some Abipon, the word _Kahamátek_ was
interdicted, and, in its stead, they were all commanded by the voice of
a crier to say, _Hemalkam négerkatà_? The word _Nihirenak_, a tiger, was
exchanged for _Apanigehak_; _Peú_, a crocodile, for _Kaeprhak_, and
_Kaáma_, Spaniards, for _Rikil_, because these words bore some
resemblance to the names of Abipones lately deceased. Hence it is that
our vocabularies are so full of blots occasioned by our having such
frequent occasions to obliterate interdicted words, and insert new
ones.”
GROUP VI.
DANAKIL AND NEGRO OF THE EASTERN COAST OF AFRICA (THE DANAKIL
LIGHT-COLOURED); FROM THE PARTS BETWEEN THE ENTRANCE TO THE RED SEA
AND THE HIGHLANDS OF SOUTHERN ABYSSINIA.
Attention is directed to the Danakil figures. They are African; but they
are not negro. They are Africans from one of the very hottest parts.
They are other than negro, nevertheless. Their hair is longer than the
negro’s; their lips thinner; their colour lighter; their nose more
aquiline. Travellers who have been struck by their appearance have
called them _Caucasians_, by which they mean that they approach the
European type. Others have compared them with the Arabs--others with the
Jews; and this has led them further. The coasts of Arabia are not far
off; so why should there not be Arab blood amongst them? This has more
than once been assumed. The assumption, however, is unnecessary--nay, it
is incorrect. The negro of the next group--the negro from the Delta of
the Niger, the negro in his most extreme form--is not more truly
indigenous and aboriginal to the soil of Africa than are these Danakil;
who are not only Africans, in the strictest sense of the term, but also
members of a large family, falling into divisions and subdivisions. So
far are they from being exceptional, or in any respect peculiar.
The other members of this family are (_a_) the Somauli, on the coast of
the Pacific Ocean, about Cape Guardafui and (_b_) the Gallas, or
Ilmorma, a pastoral people spread over a vast area to the south of
Abyssinia, and who so encroach upon that country that they are in a fair
way of reducing it altogether.
The Gallas, like the Danakil, and the Danakil, like the Somauli and
Gallas, are a pastoral people--pastoral, locomotive, wild, and
intractable--with manners that remind us of the Arab of Asia, the Kaffre
of Southern Africa, or of the Berber of the Desert of Sahara; and it is
these whom they resemble, more or less closely, in their forms--more or
less closely in their social constitution. Like all such populations,
they fall into numerous tribes, each under the influence of their chief;
with the spirit of blood, or pedigree, running strong amongst them.
Every man belongs to his tribe, or class, and is proud of being attached
to it. Of the Danakil alone, more than fifty of these tribual divisions
are known by name.
In respect to creed the Danakil are what the neighbourhood of Arabia
leads us to expect, Mahometans, more or less incompletely converted; and
this is the general rule for the eastern coast of Africa--the _coast_,
but not the interior. In the interior we get amongst pagans. On the
other hand, Abyssinia and some of the parts about it are Christian. Dr.
Beke considered that he found traces of a corrupt and displaced
Christianity among the Gallas.
The fact of the neighbourhood of Arabia having determined a large
portion of the eastern coast of Africa to Mahometanism explains the
meaning of the words _Kaffre_, and _Caffraria_, or _Kafferland_.
_Kaffre_, in the mouth of an Arab, means _Infidel_. It means
_Infidel_ not only in the mouth of an Arab, but in that of any
Mahometan. In different languages it takes different forms, and is
applied to different populations. In Persia it expressed the old
_Fire-worshippers_, since _Guebre_ is but another form of it. In Cabul
it denotes the occupants of a district to the north of Peshawur, wherein
the natives still reject Mahometanism, and, so doing, are _Kafirs_,
their country being _Kaferistan_. In Turkey it generally means a
Christian--since _Giaour_ is neither more nor less than _Kafir_ in the
mouth of a Turk.
But to return to Eastern Africa. Where the Arab influence ceases, the
land of the _Kaffres_ begins.
Of these Kaffres more may be seen in group VII.
The black figure (modelled from life) is evidently more negro than aught
else. The hair is crisp, to say the least of it, and the skin black; the
open and patulous character of the nostrils, and their lateral position,
claim attention. They are by no means exaggerated.
The youth from whom the figure was taken belonged to the Msegurra tribe;
of which I can only state that it is an occupant of some part of the
back of the coast of Zanzibar, or Mozambique.
The present group prepares us for a Kaffre; let it also prepare us for a
negro one. That all Africans are not negroes may be seen from the
figures before us. The negro form is by no means universal--not even in
the hottest parts of Africa--not even between the tropics: it is only in
the lower levels that the true negro is to be found. Look for him
amongst the high pastures of the mountains, look for him even on the hot
but arid plateaus of the desert, and you search in vain. Tribes with
dark skins you may find, tribes with hair more or less wavy, or
frizzly, tribes with features heavy, massive, and coarse--but the true
and typical negro, with his short woolly hair, and his thick projecting
lips you will not find. Wherever he is the occupant, the soil is
alluvial, and the heat of the atmosphere is combined with moisture.
Wherever the land gets high and dry, the inhabitant is brown rather than
black, and long-haired rather than frizzly headed. His features, too,
become more prominent.
GROUP VII.
NEGROES,--2. LIGHT-COLOURED. FROM THE LOWER NIGER.
In the Delta of the Niger we find the best opportunity for contrasting
the negro with the European, the black man with the white; inasmuch as
it is in the Delta of the Niger where the points wherein the African
differs from the rest of the world are found in the most marked form.
The climate is tropical (well nigh equatorial), the soil swampy and
alluvial, the atmosphere surcharged with damp warm vapours. Under these
conditions the negro is found in his most extreme form. Let us ask what
it is. In the true and typical negro (the negro from whom the current
notions of the black man are derived), over and above the colour of the
skin, there is a woolly, cottony, or frizzy head of hair, there is a
yellow tinge over the white of the eye (the sclerotica), and there are
thick lips, with a projecting mouth--a muzzle rather than a mouth, in
its more exaggerated form. This is because the teeth are set obliquely,
_i. e._ they slant somewhat forward. Then there is the forehead, which
is described as being narrow, and retiring, and receding, or sloping
backwards. There is some exaggeration in this, though upon the whole the
negro character is well marked; the hair, the skin, and the lips, being
the chief points. To the notice of these it should be added that the
nose is generally flat and depressed, with the nostrils _thrown out_, so
to say, sideways. Rarely, very rarely indeed, is the bridge sufficiently
curved to give what is called the _Roman_ or _aquiline_ nose; whilst it
is almost as rare to find a Grecian one, _i. e._ one where the nasal
bones are raised but straight. Then there is the proportion which the
different parts of the face bear to each other. A [34]German writer of
eminence as a naturalist, has lately been taking measurements from
amongst the negroes of Brazil, and states that instead of the parts
between the chin and nose (the nasal portion of the face), and the
forehead forming a third, each, of the whole physiognomy, the forehead
forms _less_ than a third, the nasal part more than the forehead, and
the chin, &c. more than the nasal; in other words, the lower we go the
greater the mass of the several parts of the face, and the nearer we
approach the brain, the smaller. I can neither verify nor deny this
statement.
[34] Burmeister--_The Black Man_, a pamphlet.
Other points, more or less characteristic, real or supposed, are to be
found in the relations of the limbs to the trunk--the former being
longer in proportion to the latter than is usual with Europeans.
It is more important, however, to investigate the amount of difference
indicated by the difference of colour, and to do this we must look to
the structure of the skin. The structure of the negro’s skin differs
from that of the white man in degree only, the one containing much, the
other but little colouring matter; this colouring matter being deposited
in a particular layer, called the _mucous layer_, the _stratum
Malpighii_, or the _rete mucosum_. The character of this _mucous layer_,
or _rete mucosum_, is well given in the forthcoming plates, which, along
with the description, is taken from [35]Kölliker’s Manual. It differs in
some degree from the one which occurs in the ordinary works on
Ethnology.
[35] Translated by Messrs. Busk and Huxley for the Sydenham Society.
The external integument of all men alike consists of the _cutis_ or true
skin, and the _epidermis_, or scarf-skin, the latter consisting of cells
only, the former of cells, vessels and nerves.
As far as the _cutis_ is concerned, the blackest and whitest of mankind
are alike; so that it is in the scarf-skin or _epidermis_ that the
difference lies. This consists of two layers, an external and an
internal.
The internal layer is the _rete mucosum_. It lies immediately upon the
true skin, and consists solely and wholly of cells, being equally
destitute of vessels and nerves. Here begin the first discrepancies in
the opinion of writers. Some deny that it belongs to the epidermis,
looking upon it as a separate substantive tissue, neither skin nor
scarf-skin, but intermediate to the two. Others find it only in the
coloured families of mankind. It occurs, however, universally; being of
a yellowish-white colour in Europeans, and dark brown or black in
negroes, Indians, and the so-called dark races. Hence, the real
difference is not in the existence of an additional tissue, but in a
greater amount of colouring matter. Similar in respect to the two
layers of their cutis, similar in respect to the two layers of their
epidermis, the black man and the white differ in the extent to which the
second layer of the scarf-skin is charged with a black deposit.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
The accompanying figure represents a section through the skin and
scarf-skin of the ball of the thumb; wherein _a_ is the outer layer of
the epidermis; _b_, the inner, or _rete mucosum_; _c_, and _d_, the
cutis; _e_, glands, ducts, &c.
The next gives us the epidermis only--_a_, being the outer; _b_, the
inner layer (_rete mucosum_;) _c_, the cutis, to the outline of which
the _rete mucosum_ adapts itself.
It is in the deepest parts of the inner layer, in the parts more
immediately in contact with the true skin, that the most colouring
matter is accumulated. Hence, the horny, or outer part of the epidermis
is white or yellowish, all the world over. A blister, in popular
language, _raises the skin_; in reality, it only raises the outer layer
of the epidermis. Now blisters rise equally _white_ with the African and
with the European.
It is not until after birth that the colouring matter of the second
layer of the scarf-skin becomes deposited. A negro child is born of
somewhat deeper red colour than an European, but he is not born black.
The edges of the nails and the nipple of the breast darken first; the
body having darkened by the third day, there or thereabouts.
As the hue of the skin attains its deepest tinge with the groupe before
us, the structure that exhibits it has been enlarged upon.
What is the moral and social state of these negroes of the Delta of the
Niger? what their habits, customs, and creeds?
We cannot follow the account of any observer for these parts, without
discovering that, overpowering as is the heat, and swampy as is the
ground, unfavourable, in one word, as are the conditions of soil and
climate, the whole of the low country represented by the groupe before
us teems with human life; neither is there the absence of human
industry. We first hear of villages of from twenty to thirty, from
thirty to forty, from fifty to seventy huts; to each of which we may
give, upon an average, some six occupants. Then there are large towns
like Iboh and Iddah, wherein the inhabitants are counted by the
thousand; where there are regular market-days, and where there is a
king with his court, such as it is. It is with these kings that the
treaties have to be made against the slave-trade, these kings who, as in
the late case at Lagos, have disputes as to the “succession”; these
kings who give licenses to trade, and who make the access to the
interior part of the country practicable or the contrary. There are
kings and viceroys--viceroys with kings over them, so that there is a
sort of feudal chain of vassalage and sovereignty. King Emmery, for
instance, was, at the time of the Niger Expedition, the chief of a
village on the river Nun, himself being a subject to King Boy of Brass
Town. Then there is the kingdom of Iddah, with its subordinate
kingships, whilst Kakanda and Egga are the dependencies of a really
consolidated monarchy at Sakkatu.
At best, however, the African monarch, except in the Mahometan kingdoms,
is but a sorry potentate; a drunken, sensual, slave-dealing polygamist.
When Drs. McWilliam and Stanger visited this same King Emmery, his dress
was a uniform coatee that had belonged to a drummer[36] in some English
regiment, a plain black hat, and a blue cotton handkerchief for the
lower man--a blue cotton handkerchief for drawers, trowsers and
stockings, collectively; the dress of the ordinary natives being limited
to a simple shirt, with a cloth round the middle. In this we get one of
the measures of the amount of English influence and trade.
[36] A drummer’s uniform is a favourite dress elsewhere. In the
Ethnological Museum at Copenhagen, Professor Thompson can show no
marriage-garment for a _male_ Esquimaux, although of female
wedding-gear, and that a truly native and characteristic kind, he has
abundance. But there are no male equivalents. The reason of this lies
in the fact of a Danish Drummer’s dress having been left as a sort of
general property to the community, to be lent or hired, as the case
may be whenever a marriage ceremony takes place, to the utter
obliteration of the old costume, and with a great disregard to fit.
The huts are of clay, arranged in squares rather than in rows, and when
the soil is low and liable to be flooded, they are raised some feet from
the ground on a foundation of wooden pillars, in which case a ladder
leads to the principal opening. The King’s palace is an assemblage of
such huts; a miniature town; one side of the square which they form
being the “women’s quarters.” Here reside the numerous wives,
half-wives, and ex-wives of the sovereign, the number of which is always
considerable, since the rank of the man regulates it. The following
table gives us, in the first column, the names of the different members
of the Court of King Obi of Iboh in 1840; in the others, their age, and
the numbers of their wives and families--
+----------------------------------+----+-----------+-----------+
| | | WIVES. | CHILDREN. |
| | +-----+-----+-----+-----+
| | | Liv-| | Liv-| |
| |Age.| ing.|Dead.| ing.|Dead.|
| +----+-----+-----+-----+-----+
|1. Ajeh, king’s brother | 40 | 80 | 40 | un- | un- |
| | | | | cer-| cer-|
| | | | |tain.|tain.|
|2. Amorara, judge and king’s mouth| 40 | 4 | 2 | 2 | 6 |
|3. Ozama, headman | 35 | 4 | 2 | 2 | 6 |
|4. Omenibo, headman | 32 | 3 | 2 | 3 | 6 |
|5. Amebak, headman | 28 | 4 | 1 | 3 | 6 |
|6. Magog, bugler | 34 | 2 | 1 | 6 | 3 |
|7. Ambili, headman | 35 | 3 | 2 | 3 | 11 |
|8. Ogrou, headman | 30 | 3 | 1 | 2 | 2 |
|9. Obi, king | 44 | 110 | uncertain. |
+----------------------------------+----+-----+-----------------+
Let us see something more of this female quarter, which, in the negro
parts of Africa, presents a social scene, in the way of barbarism, which
the harems of Asia--bad as they are--far fall short of. Obi’s
establishment was seen to advantage; for his wives were amused at the
faces and dresses of the Europeans who visited their lord and master,
and they flocked in swarms to laugh at them. Their mirth then
“brought[37] out about twenty damsels of more mature age, who were
superannuated wives, permitted to live within the precincts of the
palace.” What will be the ultimate fate of these old and young, active
and superannuate? Even this--that when the king dies, they will be
sacrificed to his manes.
[37] Dr. McWilliam--Medical History of the Niger Expedition.
This practice is common throughout the districts under notice. At Old
Calabar, the south-eastern angle of the Delta, the death of a
well-known chief or caboceer,[38] named Ephraim, caused the death of
some hundreds of men, women, and children who were immolated at his
burial--decapitation, burning alive, and the administration of the
poison-nut, being the methods resorted to for terminating their
existence.
[38] From the Portuguese _Cabocero--Captain_.
Again, when King Eyeo, father of the present Chief of Creek Town, died,
an eyewitness, who had only arrived just after the completion of the
funeral rites, informed me that a large pit had been dug, in which
several of the deceased’s wives were bound and thrown in, until a
certain number had been procured; the earth was then thrown over them,
and so great was the agony of these victims, that the ground for several
minutes was agitated with their convulsive throes. So fearful, in former
times, was the observance of this barbarous custom, that many towns
narrowly escaped depopulation.[39]
[39] Dr. Daniell on the Natives of Old Calabar, “Transactions of the
Ethnological Society.”
The savage character of the negro warfare is on a level with such
practices as these--the slave trade being the chief incentive to them.
When these take place, and when the burial-place of a king is known to
the enemy, they rifle his grave for his remains; and having obtained his
scull, keep it as a trophy. For this reason the tombs of royalty are
kept concealed.
But there is another peculiarity. In more than one part of the western
coast, the woman serves as a soldier, or even as a captain. In Akkim, on
the Gold Coast, the notice of a female _colonel_, when first made,
excited as much incredulity as surprise. The fact, nevertheless, has
been confirmed by respectable testimony, by Mr. Duncan, and Captain
Forbes, more especially; inasmuch as in the kingdom of Dahomey, there is
a whole regiment consisting exclusively of females--a large proportion
being the ex-wives of the king. The following song, given on the
authority of the last-named author, shows the temper and spirit of the
unsexed Amazons:--
1.
“When Yoribah[40] said she could conquer Dahomey;
When we meet we’ll change their night into day;
Let the rain fall:
The season past, the river dries.
Yoribah and Dahomey!
Can two rams drink from one calabash?
The Yoribahs must have been drunk to say
Dahomey feared them,
They could conquer Dahomey.
2.
“There’s a difference between Gezo and a poor man;
There’s a difference between Gezo and a rich man.
If a rich man owned all,
Gezo would still be king.
All guns are not alike;
Some are long, some short, some thick, some thin.
The Yoribahs must be a drunken nation,
And thus we will dance before them.
3.
“Gezo is king of kings!
While Gezo lives we have nothing to fear.
Under him we are lions, not men.
Power emanates from the king.
4.
“Let all eyes behold the king!
There are not two but one--
One only, Gezo!
All nations have their customs,
But none so brilliant or enlightened,
As those of Dahomey.
People from far countries are here:
Behold all nations, white and black,
Send their ambassadors.
AMAZONS’ CHORUS.
“With these guns in our hands,
And powder in our cartouch-boxes,
What has the king to fear?
When we go to war, let the king dance,
While we bring him prisoners and heads.
GENERAL CHORUS.
“Let the king grant war speedily!
Do not let our energies be damped.
Fire cannot pass through water.
The king feeds us;
When we go to war.
Remember this!
“We are clothed and fed by Gezo;
In consequence, our hearts are glad.””
[40] A neighbouring kingdom on the East.
War and slavery engender each other; war leading to slavery, and slavery
stimulating to war. And slavery takes three forms, all bad--bad, but one
worse than the other two. This is the slavery of the _traders_. An
expedition is undertaken against some neighbouring tribe, weak enough,
or unprepared enough, to divest the attack of half its danger. Captives
are taken, driven to the coast in groups, shut up in barracoons, and
then sold for transportation to the new world. It is this form of
slavery that engenders the miseries and atrocities of the middle
passage.
The second form is that of simple domestic servitude, wherein the slave,
although under constant compulsion, forms a part of his master’s family,
and is ensured against removal from his native soil.
The third is like that of the _Nexi_ of ancient Rome, and occurs when a
negro, in order to raise a particular sum of money, sells himself as a
labourer for a certain period--pawns his body, so to say, or borrows
money on himself.
The administration of justice is on the same low level as the other
institutions; the punishments being cruel, and the rules of evidence
barbarous.[41] Two methods, as may be expected, predominate, the ordeal
and the torture. The commonest form of the latter is “what is called
tying Guinea-fashion. In this the arms are closely drawn together behind
the back, by means of a cord tied tightly round them, about midway
between the elbows and shoulders. A piece of wood to act as a rack
having been previously introduced, is then used so as to tighten the
cord, and so intense is the agony, that one application is generally
sufficient to occasion the wretch so tortured to confess to anything
that is required of him.”
[41] From the United Service Journal, November, 1850.
Another form consists in “tying the head and hands, in such a way that
by turning the body backwards, they may be drawn together by the cords
employed. Another is securing the wrist or ankle to a block of wood by
an iron staple. By means of a hammer any degree of pressure may thus be
applied.”
The chief form of ordeal is, what is called on the Gold Coast, the
_dhoom_ test, but which appears and reappears all along the
intertropical parts of Western Africa. The _dhoom_ is a kind of wood
with poisonous and emetic properties. The innocent man drinks and ejects
it: the guilty one drinks and dies. In Old Calabar the seeds of an
aquatic legume replace the _dhoom_ wood. Unless emetic, they are
poisonous.
Partaking of the nature of the ordeal, as a means of investigation in
criminal matters, is the application to priest, sorcerer, medicine-man,
or _Fetish_-man; but as the principles of belief that this practice
involves one illustrated in the Zulu group, we only make a passing
allusion to it. The notice, too, of the festivals as connected with
religion, will similarly stand over.
What applies to one of the negro populations of the western coast,
applies, more or less, to all. There are, of course, differences,
nevertheless the general character of the social and political
institutions, of their habits and superstitions, is alike; so that the
description of one tribe is the description of several others besides;
the chief distinctions consist in the creeds. I do not mean by this that
the particular form of the native and indigenous superstition is of much
importance. They are all low and debasing, and even when an African form
of faith aspires to the character of a mythology, it is a mythology of
an unpoetical, unimaginative, and poverty-stricken character, never
indicating much play of feeling, never any vigour or activity of
imagination, never inspiring either art or poetry. Of such things we
must not think here.
The difference I allude to, and which is one of practical and of ever
increasing importance, is that between the Pagan and the Mahometan
population, between those which hold to their original Fetishism, to
their snake-worship and the like, and those who, having adopted the
creed of Islam, are (whatever else they may be) at least, Monotheists.
The Mahometans of the African states must always be separated from the
Pagans.
The negro districts of the western coast begin with the country of the
_Wolofs_ or _Jolofs_, as far north as the southern border of the Desert,
and the lower course of the river Senegal. There are no better-shaped
negroes than these same _Wolofs_, for they are tall, well-made, active,
and intelligent men; Pagans, however, according to their original creed,
rather than Mahometans.
The _Sereres_ of Cape Verde, and the _Scrawoolli_ in the interior, are
in the same predicament.
The _Mandingoes_, like the Wolofs, are negroes but not Pagans. They are
amongst the first and foremost of the Mahometan negroes: but this
applies only to the Mandingoes in the limited sense of the term--the
Mandingoes of the Gambia. In the wider sense of the word, the great
Mandingo class comprises more than twenty different populations, some of
which are as Pagan as the most grovelling snake-worshippers of Dahomey.
Then come the tribes of the islands between the Gambia and Sierra Leone;
as also of the lower part of the rivers Grande, Nuñez, Casamanca, &c.
Under the names of _Felups_, _Papels_, _Nalus_, _Sapis_, _&c._, and we
have some of the rudest, but at the same time, the least known of the
western negroes.
Between Sierra Leone and Cape Palmas, along with several populations
more or less akin to the Mandingo, lie the _Krumen_, whom a writer
already quoted, calls the Scotchmen of Africa. The Kruman leaves without
hesitation or reluctance his own country to push his fortune wherever
he can find a wider field. He is ready for any employment which may
enable him to increase his means, and ensure a return home in a state of
improved prosperity. There the Kruman’s ambition is to purchase one or
two head of cattle, and one or two head of wives, and to enjoy the
luxuries of rum and tobacco. Half the Africans that we see in Liverpool
and London are Krumen, who have left their own country when young, and
taken employment on board a ship, where they exhibit a natural aptitude
for the sea. Without being nice as to the destination of the vessel in
which they engage, they return home as soon as they can; and rarely or
never contract matrimony before their return. In Cape Coast Town, as
well as in Sierra Leone, they form a bachelor community quiet and
orderly; and in that respect stand in strong contrast to the other
tribes, around them. Besides which, with all their blackness, and all
their typical negro character, they are distinguishable from most other
western Africans; having the advantage of them in make, features, and
industry. Hence, a Kruman is preëminently the _free labourer_ of Africa;
quick of perception and amenable to instruction. His language is the
_Grebo_ tongue, and it has been reduced to writing by the American
missionaries of Cape Palmas.
The Gold Coast gives as the chief populations the _Fantis_, and the
_Ashantis_, pagan and negro; the latter remarkable for the consolidation
of one of the more powerful kingdoms of Africa.
In _Dahomey_ we reach the _nadir_ of Negro rudeness; in Dahomey, where
the wars are the cruelest, the slave trade the most rife, and the
heathenism, at one and the same time eminently debasing in itself, and
eminently unmodified by Mahometanism.
In the neighbouring kingdom of _Yoruba_, this is not so much the case,
where the influence of the Fellatas has made itself felt.
This brings us to the Delta of the Niger, the chief population of which
is the _Ibo_.
South of the Delta come the negroes of the Gaboon, and south of these
those of Loango, Angola, and Benguela. Between this last-named country
and Walvisch Bay, the type changes to that of the browner-coloured
Caffres, and the Hottentots. The _language_ changed long before--in the
parts between the Gaboon and the old Calabar rivers.
I do not profess that scientific imperturbability which enables me to
write about such abominations as human sacrifice, and such follies as
snake-worship, without branding them and the nations that adopt them as
barbarous. They belong, however, to the darker side of the picture. The
brighter gives us something better; warmth of domestic feeling, aptitude
for such commercial dealings as their circumstances develop, adaptation
to the habits of the European, susceptibility to the ameliorating
influences both of Mahometanism and Christianity, are all negro
characteristics.
We have noticed the character of the Kruman, we will now notice a negro
tribe wherein an _alphabet_ has been evolved. A man of the _Vey_
country, to the back of Liberia, a truly negro locality, named Doala
Bakara, having seen both Arabic and English books, conceived the idea of
producing an alphabet for his own tongue. This idea, as he tells the
story himself, haunted him in a dream, wherein he was shown a series of
signs of letters. These he forgot in the morning; but remembered the
impression. So he consulted his friends; and they and he, laying their
heads together, coined new ones. The king of the country made its
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