CHAPTER XVIII.

HISTORIC EPIDEMICS. A short history of the principal epidemics, including as it does the description of anomalous diseases, many of which are now extinct, and the valuable knowledge which finally led to their extinction, the extraordinary mortalities which these epidemics caused, and many other associate points of interest would seem fitting to close the observations gathered in this volume. As the illustrious Hecker says, in the history of every epidemic, from the earliest times, the spirit of inquiry was always aroused to learn the machinery of such stupendous engines of destruction; and even in the earliest times there was neither deficiency in courage nor in zeal for investigation. "When the glandular plague first made its appearance as a universal epidemic, whilst the more pusillanimous, haunted by visionary fears, shut themselves up in their closets, some physicians at Constantinople, astonished at the phenomena opened the boils of the deceased. The like has occurred both in ancient and modern times, not without favorable results for Science; nay, more mature views excited an eager desire to become acquainted with similar or still greater visitations among the ancients, but, as later ages have always been fond of referring to Grecian antiquity, the learned of those times, from a partial and meagre predilection, were contented with the descriptions of Thucydides, even where nature had revealed, in infinite diversity, the workings of her powers." There cannot but be a natural interest in every medical mind to-day in the few descriptions given of the awful ravages of the epidemics which, fortunately, in our enlightened sanitary era, have entirely disappeared. In the history of such epidemics the name of Hecker stands out so prominently that any remarks on this subject must necessarily, in some measure, find their origin in his writings, which include exhaustive histories of the black death, the dancing mania, and the sweating sickness. Few historians have considered worthy of more than a passing note an event of such magnitude as the black death, which destroyed millions of the human race in the fourteenth century and was particularly dreadful in England. Hume has given but a single paragraph to it and others have been equally brief. Defoe has given us a journal of the plague, but it is not written in a true scientific spirit; and Caius, in 1562, gave us a primitive treatise on the sweating sickness. It is due to the translation of Hecker's "Epidemics of the Middle Ages" by Babbington, made possible through the good offices of the Sydenham Society, that a major part of the knowledge on this subject of the English-reading populace has been derived. The Black Death, or, as it has been known, the Oriental plague, the bubonic plague, or in England, simply the plague, and in Italy, "la Mortalega" (the great mortality) derived its name from the Orient; its inflammatory boils, tumors of the glands, and black spots, indicative of putrid decomposition, were such as have been seen in no other febrile disease. All the symptoms were not found in every case, and in many cases one symptom alone preceded death. Although afflicted with all the manifestations of the plague, some patients recovered. According to Hecker the symptoms of cephalic affliction were seen; many patients were stupefied and fell into a deep sleep, or became speechless from palsy of the tongue, while others remained sleepless and without rest. The fauces and tongue were black and as if suffused with blood; no beverage could assuage the burning thirst, so that suffering continued without alleviation until death, which many in their despair accelerated with their own hands. Contagion was evident, for attendants caught the disease from their parents and friends, and many houses were emptied of their inhabitants. In the fourteenth century this affection caused still deeper sufferings, such as had not been hitherto experienced. The organs of respiration became the seats of a putrid inflammation, blood was expectorated, and the breath possessed a pestiferous odor. In the West an ardent fever, accompanied by an evacuation of blood, proved fatal in the first three days. It appears that buboes and inflammatory boils did not at first appear, but the disease in the form of carbuncular affection of the lungs (anthrax artigen) caused the fatal issue before the other symptoms developed. Later on in the history of the plague the inflammatory boils and buboes in the groins and axillae were recognized at once as prognosticating a fatal issue. The history of this plague extends almost to prehistoric times. There was a pest in Athens in the fifth century before Christ. There was another in the second century, A.D., under the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and again in the third century, under the reign of the Gauls; following this was the terrible epidemic of the sixth century, which, after having ravaged the territory of the Gauls, extended westward. In 542 a Greek historian, Procopius, born about the year 500, gives a good description of this plague in a work, "Pestilentia Gravissima," so called in the Latin translation. Dupouy in "Le Moyen Age Medical," says that it commenced in the village of Peleuse, in Egypt, and followed a double course, one branch going to Alexandria and the other to Palestine. It reached Constantinople in the Spring of 543, and produced the greatest devastation wherever it appeared. In the course of the succeeding half century this epidemic became pandemic and spread over all the inhabited earth. The epidemic lasted four months in Constantinople, from 5000 to 10,000 people dying each day. In his "History of France," from 417 to 591, Gregorius speaks of a malady under the name inguinale which depopulated the Province of Arles. In another passage this illustrious historian of Tours says that the town of Narbonne was devastated by a maladie des aines. We have records of epidemics in France from 567 to 590, in which bubonic symptoms were a prominent feature. About the middle of the fourteenth century the bubonic plague made another incursion from the East. In 1333, fifteen years before the plague appeared in Europe, there were terrible droughts in China followed by enormous floods in which thousands of people perished. There are traditions of a plague in Tche in 1334, following a drought, which is said to have carried off about 5,000,000 people. During the fifteen years before the appearance of the plague in Europe there were peculiar atmospheric phenomena all over the world, besides numerous earthquakes. From the description of the stinking atmosphere of Europe itself at this time it is quite possible that part of the disease came, not from China, but originated in Southern Europe itself. From China the route of caravans ran to the north of the Caspian Sea, through Asia, to Tauris. Here ships were ready to take the produce of the East to Constantinople, the capital of commerce, and the medium of communication between Europe, Asia, and Africa. Other caravans went from Europe to Asia Minor and touched at the cities south of the Caspian Sea, and lastly there were others from Bagdad through Arabia to Egypt; the maritime communication on the Red Sea to Arabia and Egypt was also not inconsiderable. In all these directions contagion found its way, though doubtless Constantinople and the harbors of Asia Minor were the chief foci of infection, whence it radiated to the most distant seaports and islands. As early as 1347 the Mediterranean shores were visited by the plague, and in January, 1348, it appeared in the south of France, the north of Italy, and also in Spain. Place after place was attacked throughout the year, and after ravishing the whole of France and Germany, the plague appeared in England, a period of three months elapsing before it reached London. The northern kingdoms were attacked in 1349, but in Russia it did not make its appearance before 1351. As to the mortality of this fearful epidemic Dupony considers that in the space of four years more than 75,000,000 fell victims, that is, about half of the population of the countries visited. Hecker estimates that from 1347 to 1351, 25,000,000 people died, or one-quarter of the total population of Europe. It was reported to Pope Clement that throughout the East, probably with the exception of China, nearly 24,000,000 people had fallen victims to the plague. Thirteen millions are said to have died in China alone. Constantinople lost two-thirds of its population. When the plague was at its greatest violence Cairo lost daily from 10,000 to 15,000, as many as modern plagues have carried off during their whole course. India was depopulated. Tartary, Mesopotamia, Syria, Armenia, and Arabia were covered with dead bodies. In this latter country Arabian historians mention that Maara el nooman, Schisur, and Harem in some unaccountable manner remained free. The shores of the Mediterranean were ravaged and ships were seen on the high seas without sailors. In "The Decameron" Boccaccio gives a most graphic description of the plague and states that in Florence, in four months, 100,000 perished; before the calamity it was hardly supposed to contain so many inhabitants. According to Hecker, Venice lost 100,000; London, 100,000; Paris, 50,000; Siena, 70,000; Avignon, 60,000; Strasburg, 16,000; Norwich, 51,100. Dupony says that in one month there were 56,000 victims in Marseilles, and at Montpellier three-quarters of the population and all the physicians were stricken with the epidemic. Johanna of Burgundy, wife of King Philip VI of Valois; Johanna II, Queen of Navarre, granddaughter of Philippe le Bel; Alphonse XI of Castile, and other notable persons perished. All the cities of England suffered incredible losses. Germany seems to have been particularly spared; according to a probable calculation, only about 1,250,000 dying. Italy was most severely visited, and was said to have lost most of its inhabitants. In the north of Europe two of the brothers of Magnus, King of Sweden, died; and in Westgothland alone 466 priests died. The plague showed no decrease in the northern climates of Iceland and Greenland, and caused great havoc in those countries. The moral effect of such a great pandemic plague can be readily surmised. The mental shock sustained by all nations during the prevalence of the black plague is beyond parallel and description. An awful sense of contrition and repentance seized Christians of every community. They resolved to forsake their vices, and to make restitution for past offenses; hence extreme religious fanaticism held full sway throughout Europe. The zeal of the penitents stopped at nothing. The so-called Brotherhood of the Cross, otherwise known as the Order of Flagellants, which had arisen in the thirteenth century, but was suppressed by the mandates and strenuous efforts of the Church, was revived during the plague, and numbers of these advocates of self-chastisement roamed through the various countries on their great pilgrimages. Their power increased to such an extent that the Church was in considerable danger, for these religious enthusiasts gained more credit among the people, and operated more strongly on their minds than the priests from whom they so entirely withdrew that they even absolved each other. Their strength grew with such rapidity, and their numbers increased to such an extent daily, that the State and the Church were forced to combine for their suppression. Degeneracy, however, soon crept in, crimes were committed, and they went beyond their strength in attempting the performance of miracles. One of the most fearful consequences of this frenzy was the persecution of the Jews. This alien race was given up to the merciless fury and cruelty of the populace. The persecution of the Jews commenced in September and October, 1348, at Chillon on Lake Geneva, where criminal proceedings were instituted against them on the mythic charge of poisoning the public wells. These persecuted people were summoned before sanguinary tribunals, beheaded and burned in the most fearful manner. At Strasburg 2000 Jews were burned alive in their own burial-ground, where a large scaffold had been erected, their wealth being divided among the people. In Mayence 12,000 Jews were said to have been put to a cruel death. At Eslingen the whole Jewish community burned themselves in their synagogue, and mothers were often seen throwing their children on the pile, to prevent them from being baptized, and then precipitating themselves into the flames. The cruel and avaricious desires of the monarchs against these thrifty and industrious people added fuel to the flames of the popular passion, and even a fanatic zeal arose among the Jews to perish as martyrs to their ancient religion. When we sum up the actual effects as well as the after effects of the black death, we are appalled at the magnitude of such a calamity, the like of which the world had never seen before. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the plague was generally diffused throughout Europe, and in the latter half of the seventeenth century a final Occidental incursion of the plague took place. From 1603 to 1604 over 30,000 people perished in London from the plague, and in 1625 the mortality in that city amounted to 35,417 persons. But the great plague of London did not begin until 1664. In this plague the patient at first became sensible of great weariness and fatigue, had slight chills, nausea, vomiting, vertigo, and pains in the loins. The mental disturbance rapidly increased, and stupor and delirium ensued. The face was alternately flushed and pallid, and a sense of constriction was experienced in the region of the heart. Darting pains were felt all over the body, soon followed by the enlargement of the lymphatic glands, or by the formation of carbuncles in various parts of the body. About the third day the tongue became dry and brown, and the gums, tongue, and teeth were covered with a dark fur, and the excretions became offensive; paralysis intervened; ecchymosed patches or stripes due to extravasation appeared on the skin; finally the pulse sank, the body grew cold and clammy, delirium or coma seized the victim, and in five or six days, sometimes in two or three, the painful struggle was at an end. It was supposed that the disease originated in the Orient and was brought to London from Holland. In his "Journal of the Plague in London" Defoe describes its horrors, and tells of the dead-cart which went through the streets gathering the victims. A few extracts from Pepys's "Diary," the evidence of an eye-witness and a contemporary, show the ghastly aspects of this terrible visitation. On August 31st he writes: "In the City, this week, died 7496, and of them 6102 died of the plague. But it is found that the true number of the dead this week is nearer 10,000; partly from the poor who cannot be taken care of through the greatness of the number, and partly from the Quakers and others that will not have any bell rung for them." According to Adams, John Evelyn noted in his "Kalendarium":--"Sept. 7th.--Near 10,000 now died weekly; however, I went all along the City and suburbs from Kent street to St. James's, a dismal passage, and dangerous to see so many coffins exposed in the streets; the streets thin of people, the shops shut up, and all in silence, no one knowing whose turn might be next." As the cold weather came on the plague diminished in intensity and the people regained their confidence and returned to the city. According to Adams, in the first week of March, 1666, deaths by the plague had decreased to 42; and by the end of the month it was nearly extinct after carrying off about 100,000 victims. In our days we can hardly comprehend the filthy hygienic conditions under which the people in the cities lived, and it was probably to this fact that the growth and perpetuation of this plague was due. As to the bubonic plague recently raging in Camptown, China, Mary Niles says that it was the same disease as the great London plague, and was characterized mainly by glandular enlargement. It had not appeared in the Canton district for forty years or more, though it was endemic in Yunnan. In some places it began in the winter; and as early as January she herself found the first case in Canton in an infected house. In no case was direct contagiousness found to exist. The glands enlarged twelve hours after the fever began, and sometimes suppurated in nonfatal cases in a short time. Kitasato has recently announced the discovery of the specific cause of the bubonic plague. Sweating Sickness.--According to Hecker, very shortly after Henry's triumphant march from Bosworth Field, and his entry into the capital on August 8, 1485, the sweating sickness began its ravages among the people of the densely populated city. According to Lord Bacon the disease began about September 21st, and lasted to the end of October,