CHAPTER V.

FIFTH VISITATION OF THE DISEASE.—1551. “Ubique lugubris erat lamentatio, fletus mœrens, acerbus luctus.” KAYE. SECT. 1.—ERUPTION. Full three and twenty years had now elapsed; no trace of the Sweating Sickness had shewn itself anywhere in this long interval, and England had by its rapid advancement assumed quite another aspect[727] when the old enemy of that people again, and for the last time, burst forth in Shrewsbury, the capital of Shropshire[728]. Here, during the spring, there arose impenetrable fogs from the banks of the Severn, which, from their unusually bad odour, led to a fear of their injurious consequences[729]. It was not long before the Sweating Sickness suddenly broke out on the 15th of April. To many it was entirely unknown or but obscurely recollected; for, amidst the commotions of Henry’s reign, the old malady had long since been forgotten. The visitation was so very general in Shrewsbury and the places in its neighbourhood, that every one must have believed that the atmosphere was poisoned, for no caution availed, no closing of the doors and windows, every individual dwelling became an hospital, and the aged and the young, who could contribute nothing towards the care of their relatives, alone remained unaffected by the pestilence[730]. The disease came as unexpectedly and as completely without all warning as it had ever done on former occasions; at table, during sleep, on journeys, in the midst of amusement, and at all times of the day; and so little had it lost of its old malignity, that in a few hours it summoned some of its victims from the ranks of the living, and even destroyed others in less than one[731]. _Four and twenty hours_, neither more nor less, _were decisive as to the event_; the disease had thus undergone no change. In proportion as the pestilence increased in its baneful violence, the condition of the people became more and more miserable and forlorn; the townspeople fled to the country, the peasants to the towns; some sought lonely places of refuge, others shut themselves up in their houses. Ireland and Scotland received crowds of the fugitives. Others embarked for France or the Netherlands; but security was nowhere to be found; so that people at last resigned themselves to that fate which had so long and heavily oppressed the country. Women ran about negligently clad, as if they had lost their senses, and filled the streets with lamentations and loud prayers; all business was at a stand; no one thought of his daily occupations, and the funeral bells tolled day and night, as if all the living ought to be reminded of their near and inevitable end[732]. There died, within a few days, nine hundred and sixty of the inhabitants of Shrewsbury, the greater part of them robust men and heads of families; from which circumstance we may judge of the profound sorrow that was felt in this city. SECT. 2.—EXTENSION AND DURATION. The epidemic spread itself rapidly over all England, as far as the Scottish borders, and on all sides to the sea coasts, under more extraordinary and memorable phenomena than had been observed in almost any other epidemic. In fact, it seemed that _the banks of the Severn were the focus of the malady_, and that from hence, a true impestation of the atmosphere was diffused in every direction. Whithersoever the winds wafted the stinking mist, the inhabitants became infected with the Sweating Sickness, and, more or less, the same scenes of horror and of affliction which had occurred in Shrewsbury were repeated. These poisonous clouds of mist were observed moving from place to place, with the disease in their train, affecting one town after another, and morning and evening spreading their nauseating insufferable stench[733]. At greater distances, these clouds being dispersed by the wind, became gradually attenuated, yet their dispersion set no bounds to the pestilence, and it was as if they had imparted to the lower strata of the atmosphere a kind of ferment which went on engendering itself, even without the presence of the thick misty vapour, and being received into men’s lungs, produced the frightful disease everywhere[734]. Noxious exhalations from dung-pits, stagnant waters, swamps, impure canals, and the odour of foul rushes, which were in general use in the dwellings in England, together with all kinds of offensive rubbish, seemed not a little to contribute to it; and it was remarked universally, that wherever such offensive odours prevailed, the Sweating Sickness appeared more malignant[735]. It is a known fact, that in a certain state of the atmosphere, which is perhaps principally dependent on electrical conditions and the degree of heat, mephitic odours exhale more easily and powerfully. To the quality of the air at that time prevalent in England, this peculiarity may certainly be attributed, although it must be confessed, that upon this point there are no accurate data to be discovered. The disease lasted upon the whole almost half a year, namely, _from the 15th of April to the 30th of September_[736]; it thus passed but gradually from place to place, and we do not observe here, that it spread with that rapidity, which, in the autumn of 1529, had excited such great wonder in Germany. It is much to be regretted, that contemporary writers either gave no intelligence respecting the irruption or course of the epidemic Sweating Sickness in individual towns, or, if they did so, that this has not been made use of by subsequent writers. Doubtless, a very considerable diversity of circumstances would here present themselves, and the very peculiar manner in which the corruption of the atmosphere spread on this occasion, might perhaps have been estimated from certain facts, and not from mere suppositions. Thus the only fact that has been handed down is very remarkable; namely, that the Sweating Sickness required a whole quarter of a year to traverse the short distance from Shrewsbury to London; for it did not break out there until the 9th of July, and in a few days, according to its former mode, reached its height, so that the rapid increase of deaths excited terror throughout the whole city[737]. Yet the mortality was considerably less than at Shrewsbury, for there died in the whole of the first week only eight hundred inhabitants[738], and we may consider it decided, although all the contemporaries are silent on this very essential question, that the pestilence nowhere lasted longer than fifteen days, and perhaps in most places, as formerly, only five or six. The deaths throughout the kingdom were very numerous, so that one historian actually calls it a depopulation[739]. No rank of life remained exempt, but the Sweating Sickness raged with equal violence in the foul huts of the poor and in the palaces of the nobility[740]. The piety which, in the general dejection, was displayed by the whole nation, giving birth to innumerable works of Christian benevolence and philanthropy, whereby undoubtedly many tears were dried up—many orphans and widows protected from distress and want, is hence explained: for this phenomenon, highly delightful as it is in itself, occurs only under great afflictions and a general fear of death, as we are taught by the universal history of epidemics. We are willing to believe, to the honour of the English, that the religious impulse which they derived from their ecclesiastical reformation, may have had no small share in its production; yet, unfortunately, such is the nature of human society, that no sooner is the calamity over, than virtue relaxes. Scarcely were the funeral obsequies performed, when every thing returned to the usual routine[741]; in like manner, the Byzantines once, during a great earthquake, were seized with a fear of God, such as they had never before felt; day and night they flocked to the churches; nothing was to be seen but Christian virtue, self-denial, and works of benevolence, but these only lasted until the earth again became firm[742]. The very remarkable observation was made in this year, _that the Sweating Sickness uniformly spared foreigners in England, and, on the other hand, followed the English into foreign countries_, so that those who were in the Netherlands and France, and even in Spain, were carried off in no inconsiderable numbers by their indigenous pestilence, which was nowhere caught by the natives. Not a single French inhabitant[743] of the neighbouring town of Calais was affected, and neither the Scotch inhabitants of the same island, nor the Irish, were visited by the Sweating Sickness, so that we cannot get rid of the notion, that there was some peculiarity in the whole constitution of the English which rendered them exclusively susceptible of this disease. To make this out accurately would be so much the more difficult, because, in the original year of the Sweating Sickness, foreigners were the very persons among whom the English disease broke out; and again, because English persons who had lived a year in France, on their return home in the summer of 1551, became the subjects of Sweating Sickness[744]. Contemporaries, indeed, find a cause in the gluttony and rude mode of life of the English. In short, in all those remote causes with which we have already become acquainted, and which, doubtless, also had their part in preparing the same scourge for the Germans and Flemings in 1529. Kaye, the most efficient eye-witness, even brings in proof of this view, that the temperate in England remained exempt from the Sweating Sickness, and on the contrary, that some Frenchmen at Calais, who were too much devoted to English manners, were seized with it[745]. To this alone, however, this susceptibility cannot be attributed, unless we would be content with the antiquated system of giving too much weight to remote causes, opposed to which we are met by the striking fact, that the Germans and Netherlanders, who had scarcely much improved in their manners since 1529, were not again visited by their old enemy. SECT. 3.—CAUSES.—NATURAL PHENOMENA. It is easy to perceive, or rather we have no alternative but to suppose, an unknown something in the English atmosphere, which imparted to the inhabitants the rheumatic diathesis, or, if we will, so penetrated their bodies, overcharged as they were with crude juices[746], that their constitutions had the so-called _opportunity_, that is, were changed in such a manner as to fit them for the reception of the Sweating Sickness. Under such a condition, the common and more peculiar causes of this disease were not absolutely necessary, in order to induce its attack in a constitution thus long prepared for it, but the general causes of disease were sufficient of themselves to give it its last stimulus, although this should be in an entirely different climate, as in the present instance was the case with the English who were living in Spain, and with the Venetian ambassador _Naugerio_, who, in the year 1528, fell ill of the petechial fever, when far from Italy, and living in France[747]. It has, no doubt, struck the reader that each of the five eruptions in England lasted much longer than the single one which occurred in Germany and the north of Europe. This, too, might well depend upon peculiarities in the English soil. But let us now endeavour to render manifest, by means of phenomena actually observed, that unknown something in the atmosphere of 1551, the θεῖον of the great Hippocrates, which announces its presence by the sickening of the people; for beyond this it is not granted that human researches should penetrate. The winter of 1550–51 was dry and warm in England; the spring dry and cold; the summer and autumn hot and moist[748]. The weather of the whole year was uncommon in many particulars, without, however, influencing the lives of plants and animals so much or through so great a range as at the time of the fourth epidemic of Sweating Sickness. It was even in some places praised as fruitful[749]. On the 10th of January a violent tempest occurred, which in Germany left no small traces[750] of its effects on houses and towers. The same day brought considerable floods in the river district of the Lahn, which must be noticed on account of the very unusual season of the year[751]. On the 13th of January, again at an unusual season, there followed a great storm with heavy rains[752], which spread over the north of Germany; and on the 28th of January there occurred a considerable earthquake in Lisbon, whereby about two hundred houses were overthrown, and nearly a thousand people were destroyed; whilst a fiery meteor appeared, which, according to the unsatisfactory descriptions of the time, resembled most a northern light, and therefore was, in all probability, of electrical origin[753]. This was succeeded in Germany by a great frost in February[754]. On the 21st of March, at seven o’clock in the morning, two mock suns, with three rainbows, were seen at Magdeburg and in its vicinity, and in the evening two mock moons[755]. The same mock suns were also observed at Wittenberg, but without the rainbows. A similar phenomenon with two rainbows was again seen on the 27th of March[756]; and mock suns had been observed at Antwerp as early as the 28th of February[757]. About the same time (21st of March) the Oder overflowed its banks[758], and floods followed after continued rains during the month of May in Thuringia and Franconia[759]. Great tempests were not wanting[760], and, after considerable heat, there occurred, on the 26th of June, a thick summer fog in the districts of the Elbe which deprived the besiegers of Magdeburg of the sight of that city. It may, therefore, be supposed that this phenomenon took place throughout a greater extent of country[761]. On the 22nd of September a meteor, like a northern light, was again seen, and on the 29th of that month, after some clear weather, a heavy fall of snow was followed by continued cold[762]. These facts are sufficient plainly to prove that the course of the year 1551 was unusual, that the atmosphere was overcharged with water, and that the electrical conditions of it were considerably disturbed; nor must we omit to notice that, for the first time since 1547, mould spots again appeared in Germany on clothes, and red discolorations of water, as likewise an exuberance of the lowest cryptogamic species of vegetation[763]. SECT. 4.—DISEASES. During the years of scarcity, from 1528 to 1534, it excited general surprise that malignant fevers, more especially the plague, petechial fever, and encephalitis, which in the individual accounts we can seldom sufficiently distinguish from each other, were constantly recurring, and, creeping slowly as they did from place to place, had no sooner finished their wandering visitations of whole districts of country, than they again made their appearance where they had broken out in former years[764]. It was _a century of putrid malignant affections_, in which typhous diseases were continually prevailing—a century replete with grand phenomena affecting human life in general, and continuing so, long after the period to which our researches refer. There existed also an epidemic flux which, during a cold summer[765] in 1538, spread over a great part of Europe, and especially over France, so that, according to the assurance of an eminent physician, there was scarcely any town exempt from it[766]. Of this flux we have unfortunately but very defective reports, among which we find a statement, not without importance, that there were no extraordinary forerunners, such as are observed in phenomena of this kind, to account for this epidemic[767]. Two years earlier, however, (12th of July 1536,) Erasmus died of the flux[768]. This disease seldom occurs sporadically, but usually as an epidemic, and thus, perhaps slighter visitations of this rheumatic malady may be assumed to have preceded that greater one which took place in 1538. A period remarkable for plague followed in the year 1540, and ended about 1543. The summer of the first named year is especially mentioned in the chronicles as having been _hot_, and throughout the whole century it continued to be in great repute on account of the excellent wine it produced[769]. A spontaneous conflagration of the woods was frequent, and an earthquake was felt in Germany on the 14th of December[770]. Thereupon, in 1541, there followed in Constantinople a great plague[771] which, in the year 1542, spread by means of a Turkish invasion into Hungary, its superior importance being indicated by the presence of accompanying phenomena, among which the swarms of locusts that appeared this year are especially worthy of note. They came from the interior of Asia, and travelled in dense masses over Europe, passing northward over the Elbe[772], and southward as far as Spain[773]. Kaye saw a cloud of locusts of this description in Padua; their passage lasted full two hours, and they extended further than the eye could reach[774]. The plague quickly spread in Hungary and caused a similar destruction to the imperial army, which was fighting against the Turks under Joachim the Second, Elector of Brandenburg, as it had formerly caused the French before Naples[775]. Whether this pestilence may have been the original oriental glandular plague, or whether we may assume that it had already degenerated into the _Hungarian Petechial Fever_, such as likewise broke out in the year 1566, in the camp near Komorn, during the campaign of Maximilian the Second, and thence, by means of the disbanded lansquenets, spread in all directions[776], cannot now well be determined for want of ascertained facts. In the following year, 1543, however, this plague broke out in Germany, namely, in the Harz districts in the provinces of the Saale[777], and still more malignantly at Metz[778], yet upon the whole it did not cause any considerable loss of life. In the years 1545 and 1546 we again find the _Trousse-galant_ in France[779]. It proved fatal to the Duke of Orleans, second son of Francis the First, in the neighbourhood of Boulogne, and, according to the testimony of French historians, to ten thousand English in that fort, so that the garrison was obliged to pitch a camp outside the town, and the reluctant reinforcements felt that they were encountering certain death[780]. The disease spread itself also among the French troops, and we have seen that it extended its dominion beyond the Alps of Savoy[781]. It thus appears, that, up to the period of which we have been speaking, the year 1544 alone was free from great visitations of disease, but it would be difficult from thenceforth satisfactorily to define the individual groups of epidemics, if the connexion of the epidemic Sweating Sickness of the year 1551 with them is to be made out; for there was, to use an expression of the schools, a continued _typhous constitution_, which extended throughout this whole period, manifesting itself on the slightest causes by malignant diseases; so that the visitations of sickness which we have hitherto been describing do but appear as exacerbations of them, with a predominance sometimes of one and sometimes of another set of symptoms. The camp fever, which prevailed in the spring of 1547 among the imperial troops, there is good ground for considering to have been petechial. A great many soldiers fell sick of it, and it was so much the more malignant because the imperial army was composed of a variety of soldiery, Spaniards, Germans, Hungarians, and Bohemians. Those who were seized complained, as in encephalitis, of insufferable heat of the head, their eyes were swollen and started glistening from their sockets, their offensive breath poisoned the atmosphere around them, their tongues were covered with a brown crust, they vomited bile, their skin was of a leaden hue, and a deep purple eruption broke forth upon it. The disease, the fresh seeds of which the imperial hussars had brought with them out of Hungary, proved fatal as early as the second or third day, and it may be taken for granted, that both before and after the battle of Muhlberg (24th of April) it made no small ravages in Saxony[782]; yet it did not become general. After a short interval the unusual phenomena of 1549 again increased; the chronicles of central Germany record blights and murrains in that year. They speak likewise of a northern light seen on the 21st of September, and of a malignant disease which, till the winter set in, carried off young people in no small numbers[783]. According to all appearance this disease was a petechial fever, which in the following year, 1550, likewise visited the March of Brandenburg, Thuringia and Saxony[784]. The mortality was particularly great at Eisleben, where, in less than four weeks from the 14th September, 257 fell a sacrifice to it, and after this period it happened often that from twenty to twenty-four bodies were buried in one day; so that the loss in this little town may be reckoned at least at 500[785]. From this slight example the great malignity of the plagues of the sixteenth century will be perceived, and it would be still more evident if the physicians of those times had made more careful observations, and historians had more accurately recorded facts of this kind. In 1551 there prevailed in Swabia a disease of the nature of plague, which determined the Duke Christoph, of Würtemburg, to withdraw himself from Stuttgard. It did not spread, and seems to have remained unknown to the rest of Germany[786]. In Spain, too, the plague[787] shewed itself, and if to this be added the influenza of the same year[788], as well as the numerous cases of malignant fevers in Germany and Switzerland, which were spoken of as still existing in the two following years[789], it will again be seen quite evidently that _the fifth epidemic Sweating Sickness_ _appeared, accompanied by a group of various epidemic diseases, which might be considered as resulting from general influences_. The disease which is the subject of our research thus took its departure from Europe similarly accompanied as when it originally sprang up there, while in the interval it thrice repeated its deadly attacks. SECT. 5.—JOHN KAYE. Let us dedicate a few moments to the observer of the fifth sweating pestilence, whose life presents a lively image of the peculiarities and tendencies of his age. He was born at Norwich on the 6th of October, 1510, and received his education at Gonville Hall, Cambridge. He had early evinced by some productions his great knowledge of the Greek language, and his zeal for theological investigations. At a maturer age he went to Italy, at that time the seat of scientific learning, where _Baptista Montanus_ and _Vesalius_, at Padua, initiated him in the healing art. He took his Doctor’s degree at Bologna, and in 1542 he lectured on Aristotle in conjunction with Realdus Columbus, with great approbation. The following year he travelled throughout Italy, and with much diligence collated manuscripts for the emendation of Galen and Celsus, attended the prælections of Matthæus Curtius at Pisa, and then returned through France and Germany to his own country. After being admitted as a doctor of medicine at Cambridge, he practised with great distinction at Shrewsbury and Norwich, but was soon summoned by Henry the Eighth to deliver anatomical lectures to the surgeons in London. He was much honoured at the court of Edward the Sixth, and the appointment of body physician, which this monarch bestowed on him, he retained also under Queen Mary and Elizabeth. In 1547, he became a Fellow of the College of Physicians, over which, at a later period, he presided for seven years. He constantly supported the honour of this body with great zeal, compiled its Annals from the period of its foundation by Linacre to the end of his own presidentship, and originated an establishment, the first of the kind in England[790], for annually performing two public dissections of human bodies. That he was thus established in London before the year 1551 is certain, yet he was present in Shrewsbury, during the Sweating Sickness. His pamphlet[791] upon this disease, the first and last published in England, did not, however, appear before 1552, after all was over. It is written in strong language and a popular style, and with a laudable frankness; for Kaye blames in it, without any reserve, the gross mode of living of his countrymen, and does not fatigue his reader with too much book learning, which neither he nor his contemporaries could refrain from displaying on other occasions. He reserved this for the Latin version of his pamphlet, which was published four years later[792], and although, judged according to a modern standard, it is far from being satisfactory, yet it contains an abundance of valuable matter, and proves its author to be a good observer; and in this we can nowhere mistake that he is an Englishman of the sixteenth century, however numerous the terms he may borrow from Celsus. His doctrines are of the old Greek school throughout, of which the physicians of those times were staunch supporters; hence the term _ephemera[793] pestilens_, his comparison of the disease with the similar fevers of the ancients[794], and his accurate appreciation of the important doctrine of æthereal spirits, to which he refers its chief causes, and, according to which, the corrupted atmosphere (spiritus corrupti) becomes mixed in the lungs with the spirits of blood, (spiritus sanguinis,) whence it at once appears explicable to him, why many persons may be attacked with the Sweating Sickness at the same time, and even in different places, and why the parts of the body in which, according to the ancient Greek notion, the æthereal spirits developed themselves, were most violently affected with this disease[795]. From the relationship of the infected air to the æthereal spirits in the body, polluted by intemperance, it also appears explicable to him, why foreigners in England, in whom this pollution took place in a less degree, were, only in cases of individual exception, attacked by the Sweating Sickness[796], not to mention other theoretical notions. On malaria in general, as he was an observant naturalist, he was enabled to turn to good account his experience in Italy and his knowledge of the ancients, and his estimation of the subordinate causes, with regard to which he takes up the same position as Agricola, who was also a good naturalist, is likewise on the whole worthy of approbation[797]. The immoderate use of beer, amongst the English, was considered by many as the principal reason why the Sweating Sickness was confined to this nation. On this subject he enlarges even to prolixity, with evident English predilection for this beverage which manifestly contributed to the morbid repletion of the people; and he himself acknowledged this as a principal cause of the Sweating Sickness. The injurious quality of salt-fish, as alleged by Erasmus and the German physician Hellwetter[798], he would not altogether have ventured to reject[799], for it caused constant and abundant fetid perspirations, and might thus have contributed to pave the way for the Sweating Sickness. A similar source was to be found in the dirty rush floors in the English houses[800], and other subordinate causes of the disease of which mention has been made in the course of this treatise. As a zealous advocate of temperance, it were to be wished that he had met with more attention; but the words of a good physician are given to the winds, when they are directed against vices and habits of sensual indulgence; people require from him an infallible preservative, and not a lecture on morality. His precepts on food and beverage are circumstantial, after the manner of the ancients, and he recommends such a variety, that it is difficult to make a choice; while nothing but the greatest simplicity can be of any avail. _Purifying fires_, which were kindled everywhere in times of plague, are also much lauded by him, and we here learn incidentally, that the smiths and cooks remained free[801] from the Sweating Sickness. Fumigations with odoriferous substances of all kinds, even the most costly Indian spices, were everywhere employed in the houses of the rich, and no one stirred out without having with him some one of the thousand scents recommended from time immemorial during the plague. The medicines which he recommends are those that were then in vogue; among which Theriaca, Armenian Bole, and Pearls, occur in various combinations, yet most of the prophylactics which he advises for obviating any defect in the constitution are not very violent. Kaye’s treatment of the Sweating Sickness is according to the mild old English plan, which is very judiciously and perspicuously laid down. He kept himself, on the whole, free from the influence of the schools in this instance, and the only remedy which he approved in case of necessity, was a harmless and very favourite preparation of pearls and odoriferous substances, which was called Manus Christi[802], or, in Germany, sugar of pearls. It had its origin in the fifteenth century, and was the invention of _Guainerus_[803], and there were various receipts for compounding it[804]. He also sometimes prescribed, at the commencement of the attack[805], bole or terra sigillata, for how could a physician of the sixteenth century doubt the antipoisonous effect of this overrated remedy? Restlessness in the patient, debility, a too thick skin, and thick blood, are set forth by him as the chief impediments to the critical sweat, and in order to remove them, he sets to work with great and laudable caution, ordering, according to circumstances, even mulled wine and greater warmth. Sometimes, too, he could not refrain from employing Theriac and Mithridate, but he did not use these remedies to any great extent. For dropsical and rheumatic patients who became the subjects of the Sweating Sickness, he prescribed a beverage of Guaiacum; he also recommended as a sudorific, the China root, which was at that time much in use. When the perspiration broke out, he positively prohibited the urging it beyond the proper point; all medicines were thence laid aside, and he trusted to aromatic vinegar and gentle succussion alone for keeping off the lethargy, without considering, with _Damianus_, that more severe measures were essential[806]. As a learned patron of the sciences, Kaye ranks amongst the most distinguished men of his country. Through his interest, Gonville Hall was, in the reign of _Queen Mary_, elevated to the rank of a college, better established, and more richly endowed. To the end of his life, he continued to preside[807] over this his favourite institution, and passed his old age[808] there, not in Monkish contemplation, like Linacre, but zealously devoted to study, as the great number of his writings testifies. He was accused of having changed his faith according to circumstances. This pliability served, it is true, to retain him in favour with sovereigns of very opposite modes of thinking: it is not, however, a sign of elevation of mind, and can only be explained in part by the spirit of the English Reformation. _Kaye_ was a reformer in fact, inasmuch as he was a promoter of instruction, and, perhaps, laid no stress on outward profession. His versatility as a scholar is extraordinary, and would be worthy of the highest admiration, had he entirely avoided the reproach of credulity, had he not been too prolix in subordinate matters, and had he shown more decided signs of genius. At one time he translated and illustrated the writings of Galen; at another, he wrote on philology or the medical art—it must be confessed, without much originality, for he took _Galen_ and _Montanus_ as his patterns[809]. But where could physicians be found at that time who did not follow established doctrines? Some essays on History and English Archæology are found among his writings[810]; and his works on Natural History[811], dedicated to Conrad Gesner, are among the best of his age, because he imparted his observations in them quite plainly and naturally, free from the trammels of any school. He died at Cambridge on the 29th of July, 1573, and ordered for himself the following epitaph-“Fui Caius.”