CHAPTER XII.

THE MILITARY TRACT–PERILS OF FRONTIER LIFE–GATHERING SETTLEMENTS ABOUT BLACK HAWK’S VILLAGE–FRICTION–ATTEMPTED COMPROMISE–CORRESPONDENCE–GAINES AT FORT ARMSTRONG. It may be possible that this fresh outbreak was superinduced by the gradual appearance of the hated American further and further northward toward Black Hawk’s village, but, if true, the act was indefensible as it was meddlesome. He deliberately assisted in precipitating the trouble between Red Bird (who was a remarkably decent Indian) and the Americans, without the slightest provocation. By acts of Congress[63] bounty land warrants were voted to the soldiers of the war of “’twelve,” and for their especial benefit the so-called “Military Tract” was erected in the State of Illinois, comprising the territory between the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, 169 miles north to a line drawn from the great bend of the river above Peru to the Mississippi, containing 5,360,000 acres.[64] Into this, two classes of settlers poured–as Catlin aptly put it, “the overwhelming torrent of emigration to the ‘Far West.’” From the conclusion of the first peace with Great Britain, the native white population increased at a ratio astonishing to the observer and writer of those days, particularly James Hall, and with the advent of the “twenties” the overflow was moving into this “Military Tract.” One class comprised the soldier, who was the beneficiary, with his family, while the other was composed of families from Kentucky and Tennessee, the purchasers of those warrants, which had been gradually working northward from the beginning of the century, and which up to this time largely predominated in the population of Illinois. In both of these classes were the Indian fighters; men whose homes had been desolated or whose fathers and mothers had been murdered by blood-thirsty savages; men whose bodies carried lead placed there by Indian muskets, and who, from sad experience, were not likely to receive with composure the raids of bandit Sacs. These men were tired of tilling the soil with rifles lashed to the plowbeam and of being constantly called away from the field to awful scenes of carnage, where perhaps neighbor or wife or child had just been burned at the stake. Gen. A.C. Dodge, who was a pioneer by birth, a man whose honesty of purpose and soundness of judgment on Indian questions have never yet been questioned, forcibly illustrated those conditions in a speech at the semi-centennial of Burlington, Iowa: “In the settlement of Kentucky five of my father’s uncles fell under the Indian hatchet. Among the incidents of his very earliest recollection was to have seen the dead and bleeding body of one of those uncles borne in the arms of another on horseback to the stockade fort in which they lived. My own brother, Henry LaFayette Dodge, * * * was captured and burned to death at the stake.” James Hall, the friend and defender of the Indian, has pictured the vicissitudes of the pioneers who blazed the way for later generations to follow. Among other things, we find, on page 152, Vol. 2, “Sketches of the West,” the following: “They left behind them all the comforts of life. They brought but little furniture, but few farming implements, and no store of provisions. Until their lands were cleared and brought into culture, and their domestic animals became productive, they depended for subsistence chiefly upon the game of the forest. They ate their fresh meat without salt, without vegetables, and in many instances without bread; and they slept in cabins hastily erected, of green logs, and in which they were exposed to much of the inclemency of the weather. To their other sufferings that of sickness was often added; and they found themselves assailed, in situations where medical assistance could not be procured, by diseases of sudden development and fatal character. “While thus overburthened by toil and assailed by disaster, the settler found employment for all the energy of his character and all the inventive powers of his mind. The savage was watching, with malignant vigilance, to grasp every opportunity to harass the intruder into the hunting grounds of his fathers. Sometimes he contented himself with seizing the horses or driving away the cattle of the emigrant, depriving the wretched family of the means of support, and reserving the consummation of his vengeance to a future occasion; sometimes, with a subtle refinement of cruelty, the Indian warrior crept into a settlement by stealth, and created universal dismay by stealing away a child, or robbing a family of the wife and mother; sometimes a father was the victim, and the widow and orphans were thrown upon the protection of the friends who, on such occasions, were never deaf to the claims of the unfortunate, while as often the yelling band surrounded the peaceful cabin at the midnight hour, applied the firebrand to the slight fabric, and murdered the whole of its defenseless inmates.” Exhausted by such scenes, these men had come to Illinois with their children, whose tender memories had gathered material never to be effaced, to enjoy peaceful pursuits and erect homes for their families. When, therefore, Black Hawk sought to renew such tactics, he trod the mine which exploded and tore his power to shreds. The final conflict was inevitable, and though during the first portion of the campaign, for want of discipline, those spirited, independent and unrestrained young fellows brought no great honor to their arms, when the iron hand of Gen. James D. Henry brought them to reason, they marched with a grim determination to avenge the murders of their ancestors by hurling Black Hawk forever from the power to molest them more, and they did it in a manner sufficiently decisive. In 1829[65] these settlers, observing the fertility of the lands at the mouth of Rock River, the protecting influence of a Government fort, pushed over to that point and squatted upon the lands there. Settlements multiplying by the reputation of the land, the President was persuaded that the time had come to survey and open them up for sale, and he issued his proclamation accordingly. This survey included the village occupied by Black Hawk. It has been urged by some that there was no necessity for opening up this tract for settlement, because the nearest settlements were far away, leaving an extensive belt between, which should first have been occupied. Who is to judge of man’s choice in the public domain but the man himself? The fort and public buildings made a respectable settlement by themselves. Add to these the traders and a garrison with all the hangers-on, and the neighborhood became an inviting one for settlers. The mines to the north were booming; the river boats were carrying great numbers of passengers, who always stopped at this point, and one must repeat, why should it not be attractive? When requested, Keokuk and the other chiefs issued proclamations, and, with most of their people, removed to the west side of the river.[66] Wapello, the head chief of the Foxes, and Pash-e-pa-ho of the Sacs, making the decision almost unanimous, also went over, but Black Hawk, finding it possible to annoy the Americans, refused, claiming that when he signed the treaty of 1816 he had been deceived and never knew that his village had been included in its terms. His offenses had been condoned so many times by the indulgent Americans that he had grown to consider himself above danger from them, and doggedly remained, in defiance of the wish of the President and the proclamations of Keokuk and Wapello. The promotion of Keokuk to be chief of the Sacs had its influence, for any proclamation Keokuk might make would certainly be defied by Black Hawk. Keokuk urged him to avoid friction by peaceably removing with the others, but this appeal only strengthened his determination to remain, and he sat back upon his haunches like the bull before the locomotive, and, to carry the simile to a logical conclusion, was very naturally annihilated. The disposition to quarrel may be seen from the following extract from a letter written to Governor Clark by Agent Forsythe: Rocky Island, 17th May, 1829. Sir:–Some time early in the spring, a number of settlers came to the Sac village on Rock river and enclosed nearly all the Sac Indians’ corn fields. The Indians, on their arrival, were surprised at this, as also the destruction committed by the settlers by tearing down many of their lodges. The settlers who reside at the Sac village have called on me frequently, wishing me to drive the Indians away; that they must go, ought to go, pointing out the necessity of sending them away, etc., etc. I yesterday had a meeting with a number of Indians, and had a very long talk with them on the subject of all the Indians moving onto their own lands. Quash-qua-me denying that he ever sold any land above Rock river, etc., the Black Hawk also saying that the white people were in the habit of saying one thing to the Indians and putting another on paper; and both those Indians made use of every argument they were masters of to convince me that they never had sold the land above Rock river, etc. I acquainted all the Indians with the provisions of the treaty of 1804, where Quash-qua-me’s name is, as one of the chiefs who sold the land in question (the other chiefs being dead). I also reminded the Black Hawk of the treaty of 1816, when the commissioners refused to smoke with him and the other Sac chiefs (who accompanied him down to St. Louis), to make peace, until they signed the treaty, etc. The Black Hawk denied that any mention was made to him about land in making the treaty of 1816; but that the commissioners must have inserted in the treaty what was not expressly explained to him and friends. The Indians and myself had a great deal of talk at this meeting, the most of which was quite unnecessary, at the winding up of which I told the Indians I would not listen to any complaints that might come in future from any Indians who would remain at Rocky river. The chief Keokuk inquired of me in private if he and some of his friends could remain at Rocky river to raise the corn they had planted,[67] saying at the same time that most of the principal chiefs and braves had gone to reside at a place a few miles within the mouth of Ioway river, and that more than one-half of those now at Rocky river would also go shortly to the same place. I told Keokuk that he had heard what I had said to the Indians in council, and that it was out of my power to give any Indians such permission as he asked for. It is my opinion that but few Indians will remain at Rocky river this summer, but yet I am fearful that some difficulties will take place among them and the settlers during the ensuing summer. All the Fox Indians formerly residing in this vicinity have gone and made a new village at the Grand Mascatin. As has been stated, Black Hawk was not a chief, and was never recognized as such. He was simply a brave who had gathered around him a party of disaffected spirits, eager to foment strife; being no Pontiac or Tecumseh, and having no call upon him by his nation or his tribe to rectify any wrongs, his controversies in 1830 had degenerated into petty quarrels with the incoming settlers. He refused to cross the Mississippi because he was meanly jealous of Keokuk and his influence and because of his hatred of the Americans, and not because of fealty to any principle. He considered every argument of his friends to mean that his removal meant his absorption as an attraction. Removal west, with Keokuk above him, meant desuetude and dry rot for his schemes. He preferred being a small quarreler to being none at all, and he remained. The Indian inclosures were made with stakes driven into the ground, to which poles were transversely laid and tied with strips of bark. When the crop of 1830 had been planted within these enclosures, or otherwise, the Indians left for a summer hunt. Returning when the corn was in the milk, it was gathered and their horses were turned into the fields. The aftermath of those meagerly cropped fields was uninviting while the ripening grain of the whites was near at hand, and, without any ceremony, the slight fences were trampled down and the grain of the white man more or less consumed or destroyed. A casual glance at this state of things would disclose no premeditation on the part of the Indians to molest the whites, but the whites complained and seem to have proven beyond all doubt that the Indians, finding they could harass the whites by these tactics, carried them a little further, until they secretly drove horses into the fields and upon various occasions killed the live stock of the whites. The correspondence entire upon the subject, as found in public document No. 2 of the proceedings of the Twenty-second Congress, first session, is scattered along through this chapter. These depredations continued until autumn, when Black Hawk and his band departed on their winter’s hunt. By way of experiment, a compromise for the year 1830 was attempted whereby the whites and Indians were to try to live together in peace, but the antagonistic natures of both made success impossible and the attempt was abandoned, with the determination by the whites that if Black Hawk annoyed them in their future efforts to develop their farms his actions would be met with resistance and his removal by force demanded of the authorities. In the spring of 1831 the Indians returned to find the whites prepared to resist them. Black Hawk’s wick-a-up was occupied. This act brought his contention to a climax, as might have been expected, by openly attempting the destruction of property. This he did without molesting the owner, adroitly provoking the Americans to menace and possibly force him to assume an attitude of defense of Indian rights and the “graves of his fathers.” On April 30, 1831, the following letter was sent to Governor Reynolds, setting forth grievances, and signed by a numerical force which should command attention from any executive: “April 30, 1831. “His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois: “We, the undersigned, being citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, beg leave to state to your honor the grievances which we labor under, and pray your protection against the Sac and Fox tribe of Indians, who have again taken possession of our lands near the mouth of Rock River and its vicinity. They have, and now are, burning our fences, destroying our crops of wheat now growing, by turning in all their horses. They also threaten our lives if we attempt to plant corn, and say they will cut it up; that we have stolen their lands from them, and they are determined to exterminate us, provided we don’t leave the country. Your honor, no doubt, is aware of the outrages that were committed by said Indians heretofore. Particularly last fall, they almost destroyed all our crops, and made several attempts on the owners’ lives when they attempted to prevent their depredations, and actually wounded one man by stabbing him in several places. This spring they act in a much more outrageous and menacing manner, so that we consider ourselves compelled to beg protection of you, which the agent and garrison on Rock Island refuse to give, inasmuch as they say they have no orders from government; therefore, should we not receive adequate aid from your honor, we shall be compelled to abandon our settlement, and the lands which we have purchased of government. Therefore, we have no doubt but your honor will better anticipate our condition than it is represented, and grant us immediate relief in the manner that to you may seem most likely to produce the desired effect. The number of Indians now among us is about six or seven hundred. They say there are more coming, and that the Pottawattomies and some of the Winnebagoes will help them, in case of an irruption with the whites. The warriors now here are the Black Hawk’s party, with other chiefs, the names of whom we are not acquainted with. Therefore, looking up to you for protection, we beg leave to remain yours, etc.”[68] “John Wells, “Erastus Kent, “G.V. Miller, “B.F. Pike, “Levi Wells, “Edward Burner, “H. McNiel, “Joel Wells, “Joel Thompson, “Albert Wells, “Michael Bartlet, “Joel Wells, Jr., “Griffith Ausbury, “Huntington Wells, “J.W. Spencer, “Thomas Gardiner, “Thomas Davis, “Joseph Danforth, “J. Vandruff, “Thomas Lovitt, “William Brazher, “S. Vandruff, “William Heans, “Jonah H. Case, “John L. Bain, “Charles French, “Samuel Wells, “Horace Cook, “M.S. Hulls, “Charles French, “David B. Hail, “Eli Wells, “Benjamin Goble, “John Barrel, “Asaph Wells, “Gentry McCall.” “William Henry, Receiving no reply to that request, the citizens waited until the 19th of May, when they fancied they would have to send a personal embassy to Reynolds, which they did, in as much haste as possible, as they were expecting momentary trouble from those Indians. They accordingly drew up the following petition and sent it by one of the most respectable of their citizens, who in person laid it before the Governor: “Farnhamburg, May 19th, 1831. “To his Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois: “We, the undersigned, citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, having previously sent a petition to your honor, praying your protection against these Sac Indians, who were at that time doing every kind of mischief, as was set forth and represented to your honor; but feeling ourselves more aggrieved, and our situation more precarious, we have been compelled to make our distress known to you by sending one of our neighbors, who is well acquainted with our situation. If we do not get relief speedily, we must leave our habitations to these savages, and seek safety for our families by taking them down into the lower counties and suffer our houses and fences to be destroyed, as one of the principal war chiefs has threatened, if we do not abandon our settlement, his warriors should burn our houses over our heads. They were, at the time we sent our other petition, destroying our crops of wheat, and are still pasturing their horses in our fields, burning our fences, and have thrown the roof off one house. They shot arrows at our cattle, killed our hogs, and every mischief. “We have tried every argument to the agent for relief, but he tells us they are a lawless band, and he has nothing to do with them until further orders, leaving us still in suspense, as the Indians say, if we plant we shall not reap, a proof of which we had last fall; they almost entirely destroyed all our crops of corn, potatoes, etc. Believing we shall receive protection from your excellency, we shall go on with our farms until the return of the bearer; and ever remain your humble supplicants, etc.,” Which petition was signed by nearly the same citizens as the first. Benjamin F. Pike, the bearer of the above petition, and also Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, made oath to the truth of the allegations contained in it, as follows: “State of Illinois, St. Clair County. “Present, Benjamin F. Pike, before me, a Justice of the Peace in and for the said county, and made oath and deposed, that he has resided in the vicinity of Rock River, in the State of Illinois, for almost three years last past; that he is well acquainted with the band of the Sac Indians whose chief is the Black Hawk, and who have resided and do now reside near the mouth of Rock River, in this State; that he understands so much of the said Indian language, as to converse with the said Indians intelligibly; that he is well satisfied that said Indians, to the amount of about three hundred warriors, are extremely unfriendly to the white people; that said Indians are determined, if not prevented by force, to drive off the white people, who have some of them purchased land of the United States, near said Indians, and said Indians to remain the sole occupiers of the said country. “That said Indians do not only make threats to this effect, but have, in various instances, done much damage to said white inhabitants, by throwing down their fences, destroying the fall grain, pulling off the roofs of houses, and positively asserting that if the whites do not go away, they would kill them; that there are about forty inhabitants and heads of families in the vicinity of said Indians, who are immediately affected by said band of Indians; that said Pike is certain that said forty heads of families, if not protected, will be compelled to leave their habitations and homes from the actual injury that said Indians will commit on said inhabitants. That said band of Indians consists, as above stated, of about three hundred warriors, and that the whole band is actuated by the same hostile feelings towards the white inhabitants; and that, if not prevented by an armed force of men, will commit murders on said white inhabitants. That said Indians have said, that they would fight for their country where they reside, and would not permit the white people to occupy it at all. That said white inhabitants are desirous to be protected, and that immediately, so that they may raise crops this spring and summer. “BENJAMIN F. PIKE. “Sworn and subscribed before me, this 26th May, 1831. “JOHN H. DENNIS, J.P.” “The deposition of Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, taken before Stephen Dewey, Esq., a Justice of the Peace for Fulton County. “State of Illinois, Fulton County. “Personally appeared before me, Stephen Dewey, an acting Justice of the Peace in and for said county of Fulton, and State of Illinois, Hiram Sanders, and Ammyson Chapman, of the aforesaid county and State, and made oath that some time in the month of April last, they went to the old Indian Sac town, about thirty miles up Rock River, for the purpose of farming and establishing a ferry across said river, and the Indians ordered us to move away, and not to come there again and we remained there a few hours. “They then sent for their chief, and he informed us that we might depart peaceably, and if we did not that he would make us go. “He therefore ordered the Indians to throw our furniture out of the house; they accordingly did so, and threatened to kill us if we did not depart. We therefore discovered that our lives were in danger, and consequently moved back again to the above county. “We supposed them to be principally Winnebagoes. “H. SANDERS, “A. CHAPMAN. “Sworn and subscribed this 11th. day of May, 1831. “STEPHEN DEWEY, J.P.” There were several other petitions sent to the Governor from Henderson River and elsewhere; likewise a number of depositions were taken, the substance of which will be found in General Gaines’ report to the Secretary of War. For almost twenty-seven years, much over an average Indian’s lifetime, the Government had faithfully observed its compact of 1804 to allow the Sacs and Foxes the privilege of remaining on the ceded lands until surveyed and thrown upon the market. With each new treaty acknowledging that one, additional annuities had been granted them, until the annual distribution amounted to $27,000.00: “The Sacs and Foxes are already drawing an annuity of twenty-seven thousand dollars for thirty years to come, in cash, and by the present treaty that amount will be enlarged to thirty-seven thousand dollars per annum.”[69] The last named treaty, mentioned by Catlin, brought these Indians seventy-five cents per acre for their lands. Yet Black Hawk, regardless of the obligation of his lawful superiors and his own, under those repeated treaties and payments, lingered and quibbled and quarreled, thinking, no doubt, by this time that he could not or would not be removed at all. The little band of whites, unable to contend successfully against the overwhelming numbers of Indians and their exasperating thefts and annoyances, applied to the agent and got no relief and, as it seemed to the settlers, almost no thought. The United States authorities, particularly Governor Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis, were the ones to furnish protection, _vi et armis_ or otherwise. Governor Reynolds was very unwilling at first to send the militia to the scene without invitation from those army officers; therefore, when he received the first petition, instead of replying at once to it, he applied to the Indian agents at Rock Island and to General Gaines. Failing of receiving any consideration, the second message from the citizens, who thought he had ignored them, compelled the “Old Ranger,” as the Governor was called, to take the initiative by calling out the militia to the number of 700, which he did on May 26th, with instructions to rendezvous at Beardstown June 10, 1831.[70] On the day of issuing that call, he wrote Governor Clark a letter, calculated to leave no room for doubt as to the course he should pursue and the manner of his treatment of the Indians if they did not move. “Belleville, 26th May, 1831. “Sir:–In order to protect the citizens of this State, who reside near Rock River, from Indian invasion and depredations, I have considered it necessary to call out a force of militia of this State of about seven hundred strong, to remove a band of the Sac Indians who are now about Rock Island. The object of the government of the State is to protect those citizens, by removing said Indians, peaceably, if they can, but forcibly if they must. Those Indians are now, and so I have considered them, in a state of actual invasion of the State. “As you act as the public agent of the United States in relation to those Indians, I considered it my duty to inform you of the above call on the militia, and that in or about fifteen days a sufficient force will appear before said Indians to remove them, dead or alive, over to the west side of the Mississippi; but to save all this disagreeable business, perhaps a request from you to them, for them to remove to the west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace to the citizens of the State. There is no disposition on the part of the people of this State to injure those unfortunate and deluded savages if they will let us alone; but a government that does not protect its citizens deserves not the name of a government. Please correspond with me to this place on this subject. “Your obedient servant, “JOHN REYNOLDS. “GEN. CLARK, Supt., etc.” Reynolds’ letter hastened the following reply, which clearly indicated that much had really been done by Governor Clark to remove the Indians: “Superintendency of Indian Affairs, “St. Louis, May 28, 1831. “Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th inst., informing me of your having considered it necessary to call out a force of militia of about seven hundred for the protection of the citizens of Illinois who reside near Rock Island from Indian invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of Sac Indians who are now about Rock Island, etc. “You intimate that to prevent the necessity of employing this force, perhaps a request from me to those Indians to remove to the west side of the Mississippi would effect the object of procuring peace to the citizens of your State. In answer to which, I would beg leave to observe, that every effort on my part has been made to effect the removal of all those tribes who had ceded their lands. For the purpose of affording you a view (in part) of what has been done in this matter, I enclose you herewith extracts from the reports of the agents for the Sacs and Foxes, by which it will be seen that every means, short of actual force, has been employed to effect their removal. “I have communicated the contents of your letter to Gen. Gaines, who commands the western division of the army, and who has full power to act and execute any military movement deemed necessary for the protection of the frontier. I shall also furnish him with such information regarding the Sacs and Foxes as I am possessed of, and would beg leave to refer you to him for any further proceedings in relation to this subject. I have the honor to be, with great respect, “Your obedient servant, “WM. CLARK. “His Excellency, JOHN REYNOLDS, Governor of Illinois.” The fact that Governor Reynolds did not immediately hear from General Gaines or the Indian agents led him into the mistaken belief that they were entirely inactive and unsympathetic as to the fate of the settlers. The contrary is the truth, as the following letters, mentioned in the foregoing, from Agent St. Vrain, a most courteous and conscientious man, will disclose. This same good man was subsequently butchered in a most shocking manner by the Indians:[71] “Rock Island, May 15, 1831. “Respected Sir:–I have again to mention to you that the Black Hawk (a Sac chief) and his party are now at their old village on Rock River. They have commenced planting corn and say they will keep possession. I have been informed that they have pulled down a house and some fences, which they have burned. They have also turned their horses in wheat fields and say they will destroy the wheat, so that the white people shall not remain among them. “This is what I expected from their manner of acting last fall, and which I mentioned to you in my letter of the 8th October last. I would not be at a loss were it not for the 7th article of the treaty with the Sacs and Foxes of 3d November, 1804. ”I respectfully ask, would it not be better to hold a treaty with those Indians and get them to remove peaceably, than to call on the military to force them off? None of this band has as yet called on me for information. A few have been at my agency to have work done at the smith’s shops. I have the honor to be, “Your obedient servant, “FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent. “GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Supt. Ind. of St. Louis.” “St. Louis, May 28, 1831. “Respected Sir:–Since my last of the 15th inst. on the subject of the band of Sac Indians, etc., the Indian village on Rock River near Rock Island, I have heard from the Indians and some of the whites, that a house had been unroofed instead of pulled down and burned and that the fence had caught fire by accident. As regards the destroying of the wheat, etc., the Indians say that a white man hauled some timber through a field and left the fence down, by which means their horses got into the field. This, however, has been contradicted by the white inhabitants of that place. They say that the Indians are constantly troubling them by letting their horses into their fields and killing their hogs, etc., etc. This, however, I am confident is occasioned in a great measure by whisky being given to the Indians in exchange for their guns, traps, etc. “I had a talk with the principal chief and braves of that band of Indians. I spoke to the Black Thunder, who is the principal of that band. The Black Hawk is only a brave, but has considerable influence with them. I told them that they had sold those lands to the government of the United States, and that they ought to remove to their own lands. They then said that they had only sold the lands south of the river. I then produced the treaties and explained to them that they had relinquished their right as far as the Ouisconsin. Quash-quam-me (the jumping fish) then said that he had only consented to the limits being Rock River; but that a Fox chief agreed (as he understands, afterwards) for the Ouisconsin; that he (Quash-quam-me) had been deceived, and that he did not intend it to be so. I had considerable talk with them on this subject, and could discover nothing hostile in their disposition, unless their decided conviction of their right to the place could be construed as such. I have been informed that a white man and his family had gone to an Indian village on the borders of Rock River, about forty miles from Rock Island, for the purpose of establishing a ferry, and that the Indians at that place had driven them away, at the same time saying to them that they would not hurt them, but they should not live there. This village is occupied by a mixture of Winnebago, Sac and Fox bands and headed by the Prophet, a chief. I have the honor to be “Your obedient servant, “FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent. “GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Supt. Indian Affairs, St. Louis.” That General Clark was more active than credited by Reynolds will also be learned from the ensuing letter, which he at once dispatched to General Gaines: “Superintendency of Indian Affairs, “St. Louis, May 28, 1831. “Sir:–I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of a letter of 26th inst. just received from the Governor of Illinois, by which you will perceive he has thought it necessary to call out a force of about 700 militia for the protection of the citizens of that State, who reside near Rock River, and for the purpose of removing a band of Sacs which he states are now about Rock Island. “As the commanding General of this division of the army, I have thought it my duty to communicate to you the above information; and for the purpose of putting you in possession of the views of the Government in relation to this subject, as well as to inform, you of the means which have been heretofore employed for the removal of the Sacs now complained of, I enclose to you herewith copies of my correspondence with the War Department and with the agent for those tribes, also extracts from such of their reports as had immediate relation to the subject.[72] “The Sacs and Foxes have been counseled with on the subject of their removal from the lands which they had ceded to the United States. The prospect of collisions with the white settlers who were then purchasing those lands, and the interminable difficulties in which they would be involved thereby were pointed out, and had the effect of convincing a large majority of both tribes of the impropriety of remaining at their old villages. They, therefore, acquiesced in the justice of the claim of the United States and expressed their willingness to comply with my request to remove to their new village on Ioway river, west of the Mississippi, all but parts of two bands headed by two inconsiderable chiefs, who, after abandoning their old village, have, it appears, returned again, in defiance of all consequences. “Those bands are distinguished and known by the name of ‘The British Party,’ having been for many years in the habit of making annual visits at Malden in Upper Canada for the purpose of receiving their presents, and it is believed to be owing in a great measure to the counsels they have there received, that so little influence has been acquired over them by the United States agents. “In justice to Keokuk, Wapello, The Stabbing Chief, and, indeed, all the other real chiefs and principal men of both tribes, it should be observed that they have constantly and zealously co-operated with the Government agents in furtherance of its views, and in their endeavors to effect the removal of all their property from the ceded lands. “Any information in my possession which you may deem necessary in relation to this subject will be promptly afforded. With high respect, I have the Honor to be “Your most obedient servant, “WILLIAM CLARK. “MAJOR-GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES, Commanding Western Department, U.S.A” “P.S. The agent for the Sacs and Foxes (Mr. St. Vrain) has received his instructions and will perform any service you may require of him with the Sacs and Foxes.” Reynolds must have received General Clark’s letter on the date of writing, since he concurrently addressed General Gaines as follows: “Belleville, May 28, 1831. “GENERAL GAINES. “Sir:–I have received undoubted information that the section of this State near Rock Island is actually invaded by a hostile band of the Sac Indians, headed by Black Hawk; and in order to repel said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State I have, under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States and the laws of this State, called on the militia, to the number of seven hundred men, who will be mounted and ready for service in a very short time. I consider it my duty to lay before you the above information, so as you, commanding the military forces of the United States in this part of the Union, may adopt such measures in regard to said Indians as you deem right. “The above-mentioned mounted volunteers (because such they will be) will be in readiness immediately to move against said Indians, and, as Executive of the State of Illinois, I respectfully solicit your co-operation in this business. Please honor me with an answer to this letter. “With sincere respect for your character, “I am, your obedient servant, “JOHN REYNOLDS.” To which rather tart epistle General Gaines replied instanter: “H.Q. Western Department, May 29, 1831. “His Excellency, GOVERNOR REYNOLDS. “Sir:–I do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of yesterday’s date, advising me of your having received undoubted information that the section of the frontier of your State near Rock Island is invaded by a hostile band of Sac Indians, headed by a chief called Black Hawk. That in order to repel said invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State, you have called on the militia to the number of seven hundred militiamen, to be in readiness immediately to move against the Indians, and you solicit my co-operation. “In reply, it is my duty to state to you, that I have ordered six companies of the regular troops stationed at Jefferson Barracks to embark to-morrow morning and repair forthwith to the spot occupied by the hostile Sacs. To this detachment I shall, if necessary, add four companies. With this force I am satisfied that I shall be able to repel the invasion and give security to the frontier inhabitants of the State. But should the hostile band be sustained by the residue of the Sac, Fox and other Indians, to an extent requiring an augmentation of my force, I will, in that event, communicate with your Excellency by express, and avail myself of the co-operation which you propose. But, under existing circumstances, and the present aspect of our Indian relations on the Rock Island section of the frontier, I do not deem it necessary or proper to require militia, or any other description of force, other than that of the regular army at this place and Prairie du Chien. “I have the honor to be, very respectfully, “Your obedient servant, “EDMUND P. GAINES, “Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.” Dignifying Black Hawk’s return with the term invasion was a misnomer, at least an exaggeration, on the part of Reynolds, but Gaines promptly set out for Fort Armstrong, where he quickly absorbed the situation and communicated it to Reynolds. “Headquarters, Rock Island, June 5, 1831. “JOHN REYNOLDS, Governor of Illinois. “Sir:–I do myself the honor to report to your Excellency the result of my conference with the chiefs and braves of the band of Sac Indians settled within the limits of your State near this place. “I called their attention to the facts reported to me of their disorderly conduct towards the white inhabitants near them. They disavow any intention of hostility, but at the same time adhere with stubborn pertinacity to their purpose of remaining on the Rock River land in question. “I notified them of my determination to move them peaceably if possible, but at all events to move them to their own side of the Mississippi River, pointing out to them the apparent impossibility of their living on lands purchased by the whites without constant disturbance. They contended that this part of their country had never been sold by them. I explained to them the different treaties of 1804, ’16 and ’25, and concluded with a positive assurance that they must move off, and that I must as soon as they are ready assist them with boats. “I have this morning learned that they have invited the Prophet’s band of Winnebagoes on Rock River, with some Pottawattomies and Kickapoos, to join them. If I find this to be true, I shall gladly avail myself of my present visit to see them well punished; and, therefore, I deem it to be the only safe measure now to be taken to request of your Excellency the battalion of mounted men which you did me the honor to say would co-operate with me. They will find at this post a supply of rations for the men, with some corn for their horses, together with a supply of powder and lead. “I have deemed it expedient under all the circumstances of the case to invite the frontier inhabitants to bring their families to this post until the difference is over. “I have the honor to be, with great respect, “Your obedient servant, “EDMUND P. GAINES, “Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.” “P.S. Since writing the foregoing remarks, I have learned that the Winnebagoes and Pottawattomie Indians have actually been invited by the Sacs to join them. But the former evince no disposition to comply; and it is supposed by Colonel Gratiot, the agent, that none will join the Sacs, except, perhaps, some few of the Kickapoos. E.P.G.” The situation had developed such symptoms, to the mind of General Clark, that, after writing Governor Reynolds and urging Gaines forward, he made the following report to the Secretary of War: “Superintendency of Indian Affairs, “St. Louis, May 30, 1831. “Sir:–On the 28th inst. I had the honor of receiving a letter from the Governor of Illinois dated the 26th, informing me of the measures which he had considered it necessary to pursue for the protection of the citizens of his State from Indian invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of Sacs then about Rock Island. A copy of his letter and my answer is herewith enclosed. “Deeming the information received from the Governor of Illinois important, I immediately communicated it to General Gaines, who happened to be in this place at the time; and shortly after was called upon by Governor Reynolds himself, to whom I gave such information respecting the Sacs complained of as had come to my knowledge, and also furnished him with such of the reports of the agent for those tribes as had relation to the subject. To the commanding General I furnished similar information; and also for the purpose of possessing him of the views of the Government on that subject, I gave him copies of such of my correspondence with the War Department as had any relation thereto. “I also enclose to you copies of two reports of the agent for the Sacs and Foxes of the 15th and 28th inst. By the first it will be seen that the band complained of is determined to keep possession of their old village;[73] and it is probable from a knowledge of the disposition evinced in the matter by the Sacs and for the purpose of dispossessing them, that the commanding General has thought proper to make a display in that quarter of a part of the force under his command, six companies of which are now leaving this place for Rock River. The expedition (be the result what it may) cannot fail of producing good effects, even should the Indians be disposed to move peaceably to their own lands; and if not, their opposition should, in my opinion, be put down at once. “I have the honor to be, with high respect, “Your most obedient servant, “WILLIAM CLARK. “THE HON. JOHN H. EATON, Secretary of War.” “Rock Island, June 12, 1831. “Sir:–I have the honor to report to you that, agreeably to my intimation to you, I visited the village of Sac Indians near this place yesterday for the purpose of persuading off the Winnebago Prophet and some young men of his band whom I knew had previously been there, and, I believe, with an intention to support the Sac Indians. I found that the Prophet had just left there for his village, which is within my agency upon Rock River, and although he had previously promised that he would return home and remain there, I have reason to believe that his object is to get as many of his band and of the other bands of the Winnebagoes (who reside at Rock River, within my agency) as he can, for the purpose of joining the Sacs and of supporting them in their present pretensions. “I have recently been at some of the principal villages of Winnebagoes within my agency, and have ascertained from unquestionable authority that, although they had been invited to join the Sacs, they had refused to do so. I think it will be prudent for me to follow the Prophet, to prevent him from influencing any of the Indians up the river to join him. Should I, however, find that any of the warriors have left before my arrival amongst them, I will (if you think it best) return immediately to this place, bringing with me three or four influential chiefs who can be relied on and who will, with my assistance, I think, be able to control them. “In my opinion there are at least 400 warriors at the Sac village which I visited yesterday, apparently determined to defend themselves in their present position. On the receipt of your letter of the 4th instant, I immediately hastened to this place with a view to give you the most satisfactory information upon the subject of it and tender my services in any way you may think useful. “I am, respectfully yours, “HENRY GRATIOT, Sub-Agent, etc. “MAJ.-GEN. GAINES.” ----- Footnote 54: Annals of the West, Perkins & Peck Edition, pp. 713, 795. Footnote 55: U.S. Stat., p. 223, and comment in above Annals, p. 796. Footnote 56: U.S. Stat., p. 229. Footnote 57: U.S. Stat., p. 272. Footnote 58: Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 130, _et seq._ Footnote 59: P. 143, above. Footnote 60: Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 144. Footnote 61: Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 147. Footnote 62: Annals of the West, pp. 796-7; Brown’s Hist. of Illinois, p. 357. Footnote 63: December 24, 1811; January 11, 1812, and December 10, 1814. Footnote 64: Peck’s Gazeteer for 1825. The land was surveyed in 1815 and 1816. By letter of the Surveyor-General, August 10, 1815, we are informed that lands were selected in Southern Michigan, Northern Ohio, the military tract in Illinois and in Missouri, but by reason of Indian hostility the first two selections could not be surveyed that year.–Niles Reg., Vol. 9, p. 15. Footnote 65: Annals of the West, p. 797. In 1828 the President issued his proclamation opening this land, which had been previously surveyed, and the following year was occupied, and later sold. Footnote 66: In 1828 some few lingered, but by May all but Black Hawk’s band and Quash-qua-me remained. Footnote 67: The planting of the corn in 1829 by the squaws was done to feed those who had gone to the Iowa River and were there preparing new fields, which could not then be used. Footnote 68: Wakefield, Appendix, Note 1, pp. 107-116. Footnote 69: Catlin. Footnote 70: “My Own Times,” p. 328. Footnote 71: See page 170, post. Footnote 72: Forsythe’s letter of 1829, _ante_, was one of them. Footnote 73: See letter Col. Henry Gratiot, next following. -----